Μετά την πτώση της Κωνσταντινούπολης το 1453, στα χέρια των Οθωμανών πολλοί Έλληνες μετανάστευσαν σε χώρες της Ευρώπης. Πολλοί από αυτούς πήγαν στην Ιταλία, τη Γαλλία, την Αυστρία, τη Ρωσία και την Ισπανία.
Πολλοί Έλληνες μετανάστευσαν στην Ισπανία, ένας από τους πιο διάσημους παγκοσμίως ήταν ο El Greco (του οποίου το όνομα ήταν Δομήνικος Θεοτοκόπουλος), ένας μεγάλος καλλιτέχνης και είναι αυτός που διαχώρισε την ζωγράφική (που θεωρείται ως ο πατέρας του εξπρεσιονισμού).Αλλά πέρα από τον El Greco υπήρχαν άλλοι που υπηρέτησαν ακόμα και στο Ισπανικό στρατό.
Πολλοί από αυτούς τους Έλληνες στρατιώτες ήταν μισθοφόροι, ή κοντοτιέροι, οι οποίοι βοήθησαν την ισπανική αρμάδα εναντίον των Οθωμανών σε πολλές μάχες.
Έλληνες στρατιώτες ταξίδευαν ακόμη στον Νέο Κόσμο τον 16ο αιώνα, όπου υπηρέτησαν ως πλοίαρχοι, ναύτες, στρατιώτες και ιδίως στο πυροβολικό αλλά και , κατακτητές και εξερευνητές.
Πολλοί από τους Έλληνες ήξεραν πώς να κατασκευάζουν μπαρούτι και πως θα μπορούσαν να λειτουργήσουν τα κανόνια και τα πυροβόλα όπλα.
Don Δωρόθεος Θεόδωρος Griego (Έλλην)
Ο Θεόδωρος Griego ήταν Έλληνας εξερευνητής και κατακτητής,(νέων γαιών, οι λεγόμενοι conquistadores ) γεννήθηκε στο Αιγαίο και αργότερα μετακόμισε στην Ισπανία. Στη συνέχεια που απέπλευσε από το ισπανικό λιμάνι του Sanlucar de Barrameda και ακολούθησε τον Panfilo de Narvaez στην εκστρατεία του στη Βόρεια Αμερική το 1527. Ήταν ένας από τους πρώτους νεότερους Έλληνες που μπόρεσαν να φθάσουν στην νέα ήπειρο (Αμερική) στη σύγχρονη εποχή.
Η αποστολή απέπλευσε από την Κούβα το 1527 και έφθασε στην Φλόριντα. Ο Narvaez διέταξε τους άνδρες του να εξερευνήσουν την Φλόριντα και σε μια πορεία βορειότερα, το 1528 έφτασαν στην περιοχή Apalachee, αλλά ο Narvaez επιτέθηκε αλαζονικά τους Ινδούς και κατέστρεψαν τους οικισμούς τους. Λίγο μετά ήταν αυτοί που δέχθηκαν επίθεση από τους πολεμιστές Apalachee και είχε συνέπεια την εξάντληση των πόρων των αποθεμάτων τροφής και άλλων .. |
| ο Narvaez |
Εκείνη τη δύσκολη στιγμή Don Θεόδωρο έκανε 5 σχεδίες,φορτηγίδες με κορμούς του δένδρου Σερενόα ένα φοινικοειδές χρησιμοποιώντας υγρό ρετσίνι από πεύκα, ξύλο και δέρμα και να επιβιβασθούν οι περισσότεροι από τους συντρόφους του για να βρουν αποθέματα αλλού.
Τελικά ο Don Δωρόθεος Θεόδωρος Griego σκοτώθηκε ψάχνοντας για νερό σε έναν κοντινό οικισμό των ινδιάνων Απαλλάχων Οι περισσότεροι από τους άνδρες που συμμετείχαν στην εκστρατεία Narvaez σκοτώθηκαν, μεταξύ των οποίων και ο Narvaez και μόνο 4 επέζησαν για να διηγηθούν την ιστορία. Σήμερα το άγαλμα έχει στηθεί στη Φλόριντα στην πόλη Τάμπα προς τιμήν του μεγάλου Έλληνα Conquistador και εξερευνητή.
ΔΙΑΒΑΣΤΕ ΤΙ ΕΓΡΑΨΕ ΕΝΑΣ ΑΠΟ ΤΟΥΣ ΕΠΙΖΗΣΑΝΤΕΣ ΠΟΥ ΕΓΡΑΨΕ ΤΗΝ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ ΑΥΤΗ Ο ALVAR NUÑEZ CABEZA DE VACA
ΕΙΣ ΤΗΝ ΑΓΓΛΙΚΗ ΓΛΩΣΣΑ
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Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca |
The Journey of Alvar Nuñez Cabeza De Vaca (1542)
Translated by Fanny Bandelier (1905)
On the 27th day of the month of June, 1527, the Governor Panfilo de Narvaez departed from the port of San Lucar de Barrameda, with authority and orders from Your Majesty to conquer and govern the provinces that extend from the river of the Palms to the Cape of the Florida, these provinces being on the main land. The fleet he took along consisted of five vessels, in which went about 600 men. The officials he had with him (since they must be mentioned) were those here named: Cabeza de Vaca, treasurer and Alguacil mayor; Alonso Enriquez, purser; Alonso de Solis, factor of Your Majesty and inspector. A friar of the order of Saint Francis, called Fray Juan [Suarez], went as commissary, with four other monks of the order. We arrived at the Island of Santo Domingo, where we remained nearly forty-five days, supplying ourselves with necessary things, especially horses. Here more than 140 men of our army forsook us, who wished to remain, on account of the proposals and promises made them by the people of the country. From there we started and arrived at Santiago (a port in the Island of Cuba) where, in the few days that we remained the Governor supplied himself again with people, arms and horses. It happened there that a gentleman called Vasco Porcallo, a resident of la Trinidad (which is on the same island ), offered to give the Governor certain stores he had at a distance of 100 leagues from the said harbor of Santiago.
The Governor, with the whole fleet, sailed for that place, but midways, at a port named Cape Santa Cruz, he thought best to stop and send a single vessel to load and bring these stores. Therefore he ordered a certain Captain Pantoja to go thither with his craft and directed me to accompany him for the sake of control, while he remained with four ships, having purchased one on the Island of Santo Domingo. Arrived at the port of Trinidad with these two vessels, Captain Pantoja went with Vasco Porcallo to the town (which is one league from there) in order to take possession of the supplies. I remained on board with the pilots, who told us that we should leave as soon as possible, since the harbor was very unsafe and many vessels had been lost in it. Now, since what happened to us there was very remarkable, it appeared to me not unsuitable, for the aims and ends of this, my Narrative, to tell it here.
The next morning the weather looked ominous. It began to rain, and the sea toughened so that, although I allowed the men to land, when they saw the weather and that the town was one league away, many came back to the ship so as not to be in the wet and cold. At the same time there came a canoe from the town conveying a letter from a person residing there, begging me to come, and they would give me the stores and whatever else might be necessary. But I excused myself, stating that I could not leave the ships.
At noon the canoe came again with another letter, repeating the request with much insistency, and there was also a horse for me to go on. I gave the same reply as the first time, saying that I could not leave the vessels. But the pilots and the people begged me so much to leave and hasten the transportation of the stores to the ships, in order to be able to sail soon, from a place where they were in great fear the ships would be lost in case they had to remain long. So I determined upon going, although before I went I left the pilots well instructed and with orders in case the south wind (which often wrecked the shipping) should rise, and they found themselves in great danger, to run the vessels ashore, when men and horses might be saved. So I left, wishing for some of them to accompany me, but they refused, alleging the hard rain, the cold and that the town was far away.
On the next day, which was Sunday, they promised to come, God helping, to hear mass. One hour after my departure the sea became very rough and the north wind blew so fiercely that neither did the boats dare to land, nor could they beach the vessels, since the wind was blowing from the shore. They spent that day and Sunday greatly distressed by two contrary storms and much rain, until nightfall. Then the rain and storm increased in violence at the village, as well as on the sea, and all the houses and the churches fell down, and we had to go about, seven or eight men locking arms at a time, to prevent the wind from carrying us off, and under the trees it was not less dangerous than among the houses, for as they also were blown down we were in danger of being killed beneath them. In this tempest and peril we wandered about all night, without finding any part or place where we might feel safe for half an hour.
In this plight we heard, all night long and especially after midnight, a great uproar, the sound of many voices, the tinkling of little bells, also flutes and tambourines and other instruments, the most of which noise lasted until morning, when the storm ceased. Never has such a fearful thing been witnessed in those parts. I took testimony concerning it, and sent it, certified, to Your Majesty. On Monday morning we went down to the harbor, but did not find the vessels. We saw the buoys in the water, and from this knew that the ships were lost. So we followed the shore, looking for wreckage, and not finding any turned into the forest. Walking through it we saw, a fourth of a league from water, the little boat of one of the vessels on the top of trees, and ten leagues further, on the coast, were two men of my crew and certain covers of boxes. The bodies were so disfigured by striking against the rocks as to be unrecognizable. There were also found a cape and a tattered, nothing else. Sixty people and twenty horses perished on the ships. Those who went on land the day we arrived, some thirty men, were all who survived of the crews of both vessels.
We remained thus for several days in great need and distress, for the food and stores at the village had been ruined also, as well as some cattle. The country was pitiable to look at. The trees had fallen and the woods were blighted, and there was neither foliage nor grass. In this condition we were until the 5th day of the month of November, when the Governor, with his four vessels, arrived. They also had weathered a great storm and had escaped by betaking themselves to a safe place in time. The people on board of the ships and those he found were so terrified by what had happened that they were afraid to set to sea again in winter and begged the Governor to remain there for that season, and he, seeing their good will and that of the inhabitants, wintered at that place. He put into my charge the vessels and their crews, and I was to go with them to the port of Xagua, twelve leagues distant, where I remained until the 20th day of February.
At that time the Governor came with a brig he had bought at Trinidad, and with him a pilot called Miruelo. That man he had taken because he said he knew the way and had been on the river of the Palms and was a very good pilot for the whole northern coast. The Governor left, on the coast of Habana, another vessel that he had bought there, on which there remained, as captain, Alvaro de Cerda, with forty people and twelve horsemen. Two days after the Governor arrived he went aboard. The people he took along were 400 men and eighty horses, on four vessels and one brigantine. The pilot we had taken ran the vessels aground on the sands called "of Canarreo," so that the next day we were stranded and remained stranded for fifteen days, the keels often touching bottom. Then a storm from the south drove so much water on the shoals that we could get off, though not without much danger.
Departing from there and arrived at Guaniguanico, another tempest came up in which we nearly perished. At Cape Corrientes we had another, which lasted three days. Afterward we doubled the Cape of Sant Anton and sailed with contrary winds as far as twelve leagues off Habana, and when, on the following day, we attempted to enter, a southerly storm drove us away, so that we crossed to the coast of Florida, sighting land on Tuesday, the 12th day of the month of April. We coasted the way of Florida, and on Holy Thursday cast anchor at the mouth of a bay, at the head of which we saw certain houses and habitations of Indians.
On that same day the clerk, Alonso Enriquez, left and went to an island in the bay and called the Indians, who came and were with him a good while, and by way of exchange they gave him fish and some venison. The day following (which was Good Friday) the Governor disembarked, with as many men as his little boats would hold, and as we arrived at the huts or houses of the Indians we had seen, we found them abandoned and deserted, the people having left that same night in their canoes. One of those houses was so large that it could hold more than 300 people. The others were smaller, and we found a golden rattle among the nets. The next day the Governor hoisted flags in behalf of Your Majesty and took possession of the country in Your Royal name, exhibited his credentials, and was acknowledged as Governor according to Your Majesty's commands. We likewise presented our titles to him, and he complied as they required. He then ordered the remainder of the men to disembark, also the forty-two horses left (the others having perished on account of the great storms and the long time they had been on sea), and these few that remained were so thin and weak that they could be of little use for the time. The next day the Indians of that village came, and, although they spoke to us, as we had no interpreters we did not understand them; but they made many gestures and threats, and it seemed as if they beckoned to us to leave the country. Afterward, without offering any molestation, they went away.
After another day the Governor resolved to penetrate inland to explore the country and see what it contained. We went with him-the commissary, the inspector and myself, with forty men, among them six horsemen, who seemed likely to be of but little use. We took the direction of the north, and at the hour of vespers reached a very large bay, which appeared to sweep far inland. After remaining there that night and the next day, we returned to the place where the vessels and the men were. The Governor ordered the brigantine to coast towards Florida in search of the port which Miruelo, the pilot, had said he knew, but he had missed it and did not know where we were, nor where the port was. So word was sent to the brigantine, in case it were not found to cross over to Habana in quest of the vessel of Alvaro de la Cerda, and, after taking in some supplies, to come after us again.
After the brigantine left we again penetrated inland, the same persons as before, with some more men. We followed the shore of the bay, and, after a march of four leagues, captured four Indians, to whom we showed maize in order to find out if they knew it, for until then we had seen no trace of it. They told us that they would take us to a place where there was maize and they led us to their village, at the end of the bay nearby, and there they showed us some that was not yet fit to be gathered. There we found many boxes for merchandise from Castilla. In every one of them was a corpse covered with painted deer hides. The commissary thought this to be some idolatrous practice, so he burnt the boxes with the corpses. We also found pieces of linen and cloth, and feather head dresses that seemed to be from New Spain, and samples of gold.
We inquired of the Indians (by signs) whence they had obtained these things and they gave us to understand that, very far from there, was a province called Apalachen in which there was much gold. They also signified to us that in that province we would find everything we held in esteem. They said that in Apalachen there was plenty.
So, taking them as guides, we started, and after walking ten or twelve leagues, came to another village of fifteen houses, where there was a large cultivated patch of corn nearly ready for harvest, and also some that was already ripe. After staying there two days, we returned to the place where we had left the purser, the men and the vessels, and told the purser and pilots what we saw and the news the Indians had given us.
The next day, which was the first of May, the Governor took aside the commissary, the purser, the inspector, myself, a sailor called Bartolomé Fernandez and a notary by the name of Jeronimo de Albaniz, and told us that he had in mind to penetrate inland, while the vessels should follow the coast as far as the harbor; since the pilots said and believed that, if they went in the direction of the Palms they would reach it soon. On this he asked us to give our opinions.
I replied that it seemed to me in no manner advisable to forsake the ships until they were in a safe port, held and occupied by us. I told him to consider that the pilots were at a loss, disagreeing among themselves, undecided as to what course to pursue. Moreover, the horses would not be with us in case we needed them, and, furthermore, we had no interpreter to make ourselves understood by the natives; hence we could have no parley with them. Neither did we know what to expect from the land we were entering, having no knowledge of what it was, what it might contain and by what kind of people it was inhabited, nor in what part of it we were; finally, that we had not the supplies required for penetrating into an unknown country, for of the stores left in the ships not more than one pound of biscuit and one of bacon could be given as rations to each man for the journey, so that, in my opinion, we should re-embark and sail in quest of a land and harbor better adapted to settlement, since the country which we had seen was the most deserted and the poorest ever found in those parts.
The commissary was of the contrary saying, that we should not embark, but follow the coast in search of a harbor, as the pilots asserted that the way to Panuco was not more than ten or fifteen leagues distant and that by following along the coast it was impossible to miss it, since the coast bent inland for twelve leagues. The first ones who came there should wait for the others. As to embarking, he said it would be to tempt God, after all the vicissitudes of storms, losses of men and vessels and hardships we had suffered since leaving Spain, and until we came to that place. So his advice would be to move along the coast as far as the harbor, while the vessels with the other men would follow to the same port.
To all the others this seemed to be the best, except to the notary, who said that before leaving the ships they should be put into a harbor well known, safe and in a settled country, after which we might go inland and do as we liked.
The Governor clung to his own idea and to the suggestions of the others.
Seeing his determination, I required him, on the part of Your Majesty, not to forsake the vessels until they were in a secure port, and I asked the notary present to testify to what I said. The Governor replied that he approved the opinion of the other officials and of the commissary; that I had no authority for making such demands, and he asked the notary to give him a certified statement as to how, there not being in the country the means for supporting a settlement, nor any harbor for the ships, he broke up the village he had founded, and went in search of the port and of a better land. So he forthwith ordered the people who were to go with him to get ready, providing themselves with what was necessary for the journey. After this he turned to me, and told me in the presence of all who were there that, since I so much opposed the expedition into the interior and was afraid of it, I should take charge of the vessels and men remaining, and, in case I reached the port before him, I should settle there. This I declined.
After the meeting was over he, on that same evening, saying that it seemed to him as if he could not trust anybody, sent me word that he begged me to take charge of that part of the expedition, and as, in spite of his insistency, I declined, he asked for the reasons of my refusal, I then told him that I refused to accept, because I felt sure he would never see the ships again, or be seen by their crews any more; that, seeing how utterly unprepared he was for moving inland, I preferred to share the risk with him and his people, and suffer what they would have to suffer, rather than take charge of the vessels and thus give occasion for saying that I opposed the journey and remained out of fear, which would place my honor in jeopardy. So that I would much rather expose of my life than, under these circumstances, my good name.
Seeing that he could not change my determination, he had others approach me about it with entreaties. But I gave the same answer to them as to him, and he finally provided for his lieutenant to take command of the vessels, an alcalde named Caravallo.
On Saturday, the 1st of May, the day on which all this had happened, he ordered that they should give to each one of those who had to go with him, two pounds of ship-biscuit and one-half pound of bacon, and thus we set out upon our journey inland. The number of people we took along was three hundred, among them the commissary, Father Juan Xuarez, another friar called Father Juan de Palos and three priests, the officers, and forty horsemen. We marched for fifteen days, living on the supplies we had taken with us, without finding anything else to eat but palmettos like those of Andalusia. In all this time we did not meet a soul, nor did we see a house or village, and finally reached a river, which we crossed with much trouble, by swimming and on rafts. It took us a day to ford the river on account of the swiftness of its current. When we got across, there came towards us some two hundred Indians, more or less; the Governor went to meet them, and after he talked to them by signs they acted in such a manner that we were obliged to set upon them and seize five or six, who took us to their houses, about half a league from there, where we found a large quantity of corn ready for harvest. We gave infinite thanks to our Lord for having helped us in such great need, for, as we were not used to such exposures, we felt greatly exhausted, and were much weakened by hunger.
On the third day that we were at this place the purser, the inspector, the commissary and myself jointly begged the Governor to send out in search of a harbor, as the Indians told us the sea was not very far away. He forbade us to speak of it, saying it was at a great distance, and I being the one who most insisted, he bade me to go on a journey of discovery and search of a port, and said I should go on foot with forty people. So the next day I started with the Captain Alonso del Castillo and forty men of his company. At noon we reached sandy patches that seemed to extend far inland. For about one and a half leagues we walked, with the water up to the knee, and stepping on shells that cut our feet badly. All this gave us much trouble, until we reached the river which we had crossed first, and which emptied through the same inlet, and then, as we were too ill-provided for crossing it, we turned back to camp and told the Governor what we had found and how it was necessary to ford the river again at our first crossing in order to explore the inlet thoroughly and find out if there was a harbor.
The next day he sent a captain called Valenzuela with sixty footmen and six horsemen to cross the river and follow its course to the sea in search of a port. After two days he came back, reporting that he had discovered the inlet, which was a shallow bay, with water to the knees, but it had there no harbor. He saw five or six canoes crossing from one side to the other, with Indians who wore many feather bushes.
Hearing this, we left the next day, always in quest of the province called Apalachen by the Indians, taking as guides those whom we had captured, and marched until the 17th of June without finding an Indian who would dare to wait for us. Finally there came to us a chief, whom an Indian carried on his shoulders. He wore a painted deerskin, and many people followed him, and he was preceded by many players on flutes made of reeds. He came the place where the Governor was and stayed an hour. We gave him to understand by signs that our aim was to reach Apalachen, but from his gestures it seemed to us that he was an enemy of the Apalachen people and that he would go and help us against them. We gave him beads and little bells and other trinkets, while he presented the Governor with the hide he wore. Then he turned back and we followed him.
That night we reached a broad and deep river, the current of which was very strong and as we did not dare to cross it, we built a canoe out of rafts and were a whole day in getting across. If the Indians had wished to oppose us, they could have easily impeded our passage, for even with their help we had much trouble. One horseman, whose name was Juan Velazquez, a native of Cuellar, not willing to wait, rode into the stream, and the strong current swept him from the horse and he took hold of the reins, and was drowned with the animal. The Indians of that chief (whose name was Dulchanchellin) discovered the horse and told us that we would find him lower down the stream. So they went after the man, and his death caused us much grief, since until then we had not lost anybody. The horse made a supper for many on that night. Beyond there, and on the following day, we reached the chief's village, whither he sent us corn.
That same night, as they went for water, an arrow was shot at one of the Christians, but God willed that he was not hurt. The day after we left this place, without any of the natives having appeared, because all had fled, but further on some Indians were seen who showed signs of hostility, and although we called them they would neither come back nor wait, but withdrew and followed in our rear. The Governor placed a few horsemen in ambush near the trail, who as they (the Indians) passed, surprised them and took three or four Indians, whom we kept as guides thereafter. These led us into a country difficult to traverse and strange to look at, for it had very great forests, the trees being wonderfully tall and so many of them fallen that they obstructed our way so that we had to make long detours and with great trouble. Of the trees standing many were rent from top to bottom by thunderbolts, which strike very often in that country, where storms and tempests are always frequent.
With such efforts we travelled until the day after St. John's Day, when we came in sight of Apalachen, without having been noticed by the Indians of the land. We gave many thanks to God for being so near it, believing what we had been told about the country to be true, and that now our sufferings would come to an end after the long and weary march over bad trails. We had also suffered greatly from hunger, for, although we found corn occasionally, most of the time we marched seven or eight leagues without any. And many there were among us who besides suffering great fatigue and hunger, had their backs covered with wounds from the weight of the armor and other things they had to carry as occasion required. But to find ourselves at last where we wished to be and where we had been assured so much food and gold would be had, made us forget a great deal of our hardships and weariness.
Once in sight of Apalachen, the Governor commanded me to enter the village with nine horsemen and fifty foot. So the inspector and I undertook this. Upon penetrating into the village we found only women and boys. The men were not there at the time, but soon, while we were walking about, they came and began to fight, shooting arrows at us. They killed the inspector's horse, but finally fled and left us. We found there plenty of ripe maize ready to be gathered and much dry corn already housed. We also found many deer skins and among them mantles made of thread and of poor quality, with which the women cover parts of their bodies. They had many vessels for grinding maize. The village contained forty small and low houses, reared in sheltered places, out of fear of the great storms that continuously occur in the country. The buildings are of straw, and they are surrounded by dense timber, tall trees and numerous water-pools, where there were so many fallen trees and of such size as to greatly obstruct and impede circulation.
The country between our landing place and the village and country of Apalachen is mostly level; the soil is sand and earth. All throughout it there are very large trees and open forests containing nut trees, laurels and others of the kind called resinous, cedar, juniper, wateroak, pines, oak and low palmetto, like those of Castilla. Everywhere there are many lagoons, large and small, some very difficult to cross, partly because they are so deep, partly because they are covered with fallen trees. Their bottom is sandy, and in the province of Apalachen the lagoons are much larger than those we found previously. There is much maize in this province and the houses are scattered all over the country as much as those of the Gelves. The animals we saw there were three kinds of deer, rabbits and hares, bears and lions and other wild beasts, among them one that carries its young in a pouch on its belly as long as the young are small, until they are able to look for their sustenance, and even then, when they are out after food and people come, the mother does not move until her little ones are in the pouch again.
The country is very cold; it has good pasture for cattle; there are birds of many kinds in large numbers: geese, ducks, wild ducks, muscovy ducks, Ibis, small white herons (Egrets), herons and partridges. We saw many falcons, marsh-hawks, sparrow-hawks, pigeon-hawks and many other birds. Two hours after we arrived at Apalachen the Indians that had fled came back peaceably, begging us to give back to them their women and children, which we did. The Governor, however, kept with him one of their caciques, at which they became so angry as to attack us the following day. They did it so swiftly and with so much audacity as to set fire to the lodges we occupied, but when we sallied forth they fled to the lagoons nearby, on account of which and of the big corn patches, we could not do them any harm beyond killing one Indian. The day after, Indians from a village on the other side came and attacked us in the same manner, escaping in the same way, with the loss of a single man.
We remained at this village for twenty-five days, making three excursions during the time. We found the country very thinly inhabited and difficult to march through, owing to bad places, timber and lagoons. We inquired of the cacique whom we had retained and of the other Indians with us (who were neighbors and enemies of them) about the condition and settlements of the land, the quality of its people, about supplies and everything else. They answered, each one for himself, that Apalachen was the largest town of all; that further in less people were met with, who were very much poorer than those here, and that the country was thinly settled, the inhabitants greatly scattered, and also that further inland big lakes, dense forests, great deserts and wastes were met with.
Then we asked about the land to the south, its villages and resources. They said that in that direction and nine days' march towards the sea was a village called Aute, where the Indians had plenty of corn and also beans and melons, and that, being so near the sea, they obtained fish, and that those were their friends. Seeing how poor the country was, taking into account the unfavorable reports about its population and everything else, and that the Indians made constant war upon us, wounding men and horses whenever they went for water (which they could do from the lagoons where we could not reach them) by shooting arrows at us; that they had killed a chief of Tezcuco called Don Pedro, whom the commissary had taken along with him, we agreed to depart and go in search of the sea, and of the village of Aute, which they had mentioned. And so we left, arriving there five days after. The first day we travelled across lagoons and trails without seeing a single Indian.
On the second day, however, we reached a lake very difficult to cross, the water reaching to the chest, and there were a great many fallen trees. Once in the middle of it, a number of Indians assailed us from behind trees that concealed them from our sight, while others were on fallen trees, and they began to shower arrows upon us, so that many men and horses were wounded, and before we could get out of the lagoon our guide was captured by them. After we had got out, they pressed us very hard, intending to cut us off, and it was useless to turn upon them, for they would hide in the lake and from there wound both men and horses.
So the Governor ordered the horsemen to dismount and attack them on foot. The pursuer dismounted also, and our people attacked them. Again they fled to a lagoon, and we succeeded in holding the trail. In this fight some of our people were wounded, in spite of their good armor. There were men that day who swore they had seen two oak trees, each as thick as the calf of a leg, shot through and through by arrows, which is not surprising if we consider the force and dexterity with which they shoot. I myself saw an arrow that had penetrated the base of a poplar tree for half a foot in length. All the many Indians from Florida we saw were archers, and, being very tall and naked, at a distance they appear giants.
Those people are wonderfully built, very gaunt and of great strength and agility. Their bows are as thick as an arm, from eleven to twelve spans long, shooting an arrow at 200 paces with unerring aim. From that crossing we went to another similar one, a league away, but while it was half a league in length it was also much more difficult. There we crossed without opposition, for the Indians, having spent all their arrows at the first place, had nothing wherewith they would dare attack us. The next day, while crossing a similar place, I saw the tracks of people who went ahead of us, and I notified the Governor, who was in the rear, so that, although the Indians turned upon us, as we were on our guard, they could do us no harm. Once on open ground they pursued us still. We attacked them twice, killing two, while they wounded me and two or three other Christians, and entered the forest again, where we could no longer injure them.
In this manner we marched for eight days, without meeting any more natives, until one league from the site to which I said we were going. There, as we were marching along, Indians crept up unseen and fell upon our rear. A boy belonging to a nobleman, called Avellaneda, who was in the rear guard, gave the alarm. Avellaneda turned back to assist, and the Indians hit him with an arrow on the edge of the cuirass, piercing his neck nearly through and through, so that he died on the spot, and we carried him to Aute. It took us nine days from Apalachen to the place where we stopped. And then we found that all the people had left and the lodges were burnt. But there was plenty of maize, squash and beans, all nearly ripe and ready for harvest. We rested there for two days.
After this the Governor entreated me to go in search of the sea, as the Indians said it was so near by, and we had, on this march, already suspected its proximity from a great river to which we had given the name of the Rio de la Magdalena. I left on the following day in search of it, accompanied by the commissary, the captain Castillo, Andres Dorantes, seven horsemen and fifty foot. We marched until sunset, reaching an inlet or arm of the sea, where we found plenty of oysters on which the people feasted, and we gave many thanks to God for bringing us there.
The next day I sent twenty men to reconnoiter the coast and explore it, who returned on the day following at nightfall, saying that these inlets and bays were very large and went so far inland as greatly to impede our investigations, and that the coast was still at a great distance. Hearing this and considering how ill-prepared we were for the task, I returned to where the Governor was. We found him sick, together with many others. The night before, Indians had made an attack, putting them in great stress, owing to their enfeebled condition. The Indians had also killed one of their horses. I reported upon my journey and on the bad condition of the country. That day we remained there.
On the next day we left and marched (all day) to the spot I had visited on my last exploration. Our march was extremely difficult, for neither had we horses enough to carry the sick, nor did we know how to relieve them. They became worse every day, and our sufferings were afflicting. There it became manifest how few resources we had for going further, and even in case we had been provided we did not know where to go; our men were mostly sick and too much out of condition to be of any use whatever. I refrain from making a long story of it. Any one can imagine what might be experienced in a land so strange and so utterly without resources of any kind, either for stay or for an escape. Nevertheless, since the surest aid was God, Our Lord, and since we never doubted of it, something happened that put us in a worse plight yet.
Most of the horsemen began to leave in secret, hoping thus to save themselves, forsaking the Governor and the sick, who were helpless. Still, as among them were many of good families and of rank, they would not suffer this to happen unbeknown to the Governor and Your Majesty's officials, so that, when we remonstrated, showing at what an unseasonable time they were leaving their captain and the sick and, above all, forsaking Your Majesty's service, they concluded to stay, and share the fate of all, without abandoning one another. The Governor thereupon called them to his presence all together, and each one in particular, asking their opinion about this dismal country, so as to be able to get out of it and seek relief, for in that land there was none.
One-third of our people were dangerously ill, getting worse hourly, and we felt sure of meeting the same fate, with death as our only prospect, which in such a country was much worse yet. And considering these and many other inconveniences and that we had tried many expedients, we finally resorted to a very difficult one, which was to build some craft in which to leave the land. It seemed impossible, as none of us knew how to construct ships. We had no tools, no iron, no smithery, no oakum, no pitch, no tackling; finally, nothing of what was indispensable. Neither was there anybody to instruct us in shipbuilding, and, above all, there was nothing to eat, while the work was going on, for those who would have to perform the task. Considering all this, we agreed to think it over. Our parley ceased for that day, and everyone went off, leaving it to God, Our Lord, to put him on the right road according to His pleasure.
The next day God provided that one of the men should come, saying that he would make wooden flues, and bellows of deerskin, and as we were in such a state that anything appearing like relief seemed acceptable, we told him to go to work, and agreed to make of our stirrups, spurs, cross-bows and other iron implements the nails, saws and hatchets and other tools we so greatly needed for our purpose.
In order to obtain food while the work proposed was in progress we determined upon four successive raids into Aute, with all the horses and men that were fit for service, and that on every third day a horse should be killed and the meat distributed among those who worked at the barges and among the sick. The raids were executed with such people and horses as were able, and they brought as many as four hundred fanegas of maize, although not without armed opposition from the Indians. We gathered plenty of palmettos, using their fibre and husk, twisting and preparing it in place of oakum for the barges. The work on these was done by the only carpenter we had, and progressed so rapidly that, beginning on the fourth day of August, on the twentieth day of the month of September, five barges of twenty-two elbow lengths each were ready, caulked with palmetto oakum and tarred with pitch, which a Greek called Don Teodoro made from certain pines. Of the husk of palmettos, and of the tails and manes of the horses we made ropes and tackles, of our shirts sails, and of the junipers that grew there we made the oars, which we thought were necessary, and such was the stress in which our sins had placed us that only with very great trouble could we find stones for ballast and anchors of the barges, for we had not seen a stone in the whole country. We flayed the legs of the horses and tanned the skin to make leather pouches for carrying water.
During that time some of the party went to the coves and inlets for sea-food, and the Indians surprised them twice, killing ten of our men in plain view of the camp, without our being able to prevent it. We found them shot through and through with arrows, for, although several wore good armor, it was not sufficient to protect them, since, as I said before, they shot their arrows with such force and precision. According to the sworn statements of our pilots, we had traveled from the bay, to which we gave the name of the Cross, to this place, two hundred and eighty leagues, more or less.
In all these parts we saw no mountains nor heard of any, and before embarking we had lost over forty men through sickness and hunger, besides those killed by Indians. On the twenty-second day of the month of September we had eaten up all the horses but one. We embarked in the following order: In the barge of the Governor there were forty-nine men, and as many in the one entrusted to the purser and the commissary. The third barge he placed in charge of Captain Alonso del Castillo and of Andres Dorantes, with forty-eight men; in another he placed two captains, named Tellez and Penalosa, with forty-seven men. The last one he gave to the inspector and to me, with forty-nine men, and, after clothing and supplies were put on board, the sides of the barges only rose half a foot above the water. Besides, we were so crowded as to be unable to stir. So great is the power of need that it brought us to venture out into such a troublesome sea in this manner, and without any one among us having the least knowledge of the art of navigation.
That bay from which we started is called the Bay of the Horses. We sailed seven days among those inlets, in the water waist deep, without signs of anything like the coast. At the end of this time we reached an island near the shore. My barge went ahead, and from it we saw five Indian canoes coming. The Indians abandoned them and left them in our hands, when they saw that we approached. The other barges went on and saw some lodges on the same island, where we found plenty of ruffs and their eggs, dried, and that was a very great relief in our needy condition. Having taken them, we went further, and two leagues beyond found a strait between the island and the coast, which strait we christened Sant Miguel, it being the day of that saint. Issuing from it we reached the coast, where by means of the five canoes I had taken from the Indians we mended somewhat the barges, making washboards and adding to them and raising the sides two hands above water.
Then we set out to sea again, coasting towards the River of Palms. Every day our thirst and hunger increased because our supplies were giving out, as well as the water supply, for the pouches we had made from the legs of our horses soon became rotten and useless. From time to time we would enter some inlet or cove that reached very far inland, but we found them all shallow and dangerous, and so we navigated through them for thirty days, meeting sometimes Indians who fished and were poor and wretched people.
At the end of these thirty days, and when we were in extreme need of water and hugging the coast, we heard one night a canoe approaching. When we saw it we stopped and waited, but it would not come to us, and, although we called out, it would neither turn back nor wait. It being night, we did not follow the canoe, but proceeded. At dawn we saw a small island, where we touched to search for water, but in vain, as there was none. While at anchor a great storm overtook us. We remained there six days without venturing to leave, and it being five days since we had drank anything our thirst was so great as to compel us to drink salt water, and several of us took such an excess of it that we lost suddenly five men.
I tell this briefly, not thinking it necessary to relate in particular all the distress and hardships we bore. Moreover, if one takes into account the place we were in and the slight chances of relief he may imagine what we suffered. Seeing that our thirst was increasing and the water was killing us, while the storm did not abate, we agreed to trust to God, Our Lord, and rather risk the perils of the sea than wait there for certain death from thirst. So we left in the direction we had seen the canoe going on the night we came here. During this day we found ourselves often on the verge of drowning and so forlorn that there was none in our company who did not expect to die at any moment.
It was Our Lord's pleasure, who many a time shows His favor in the hour of greatest distress, that at sunset we turned a point of land and found there shelter and much improvement. Many canoes came and the Indians in them spoke to us, but turned back without waiting. They were tall and well built, and carried neither bows nor arrows. We followed them to their lodges, which were nearly along the inlet, and landed, and in front of the lodges we saw many jars with water, and great quantities of cooked fish. The Chief of that land offered all to the Governor and led him to his abode. The dwellings were of matting and seemed to be permanent. When we entered the home of the chief he gave us plenty of fish, while we gave him of our maize, which they ate in our presence, asking for more. So we gave more to them, and the Governor presented him with some trinkets. While with the cacique at his lodge, half an hour after sunset, the Indians suddenly fell upon us and upon our sick people on the beach.
They also attacked the house of the cacique, where the Governor was, wounding him in the face with a stone. Those who were with him seized the cacique, but as his people were so near he escaped, leaving in our hands a robe of marten-ermine skin, which, I believe, are the finest in the world and give out an odor like amber and musk. A single one can be smelt so far off that it seems as if there were a great many. We saw more of that kind, but none like these.
Those of us who were there, seeing the Governor hurt, placed him aboard the barge and provided that most of the men should follow him to the boats. Some fifty of us remained on land to face the Indians, who attacked thrice that night, and so furiously as to drive us back every time further than a stone's throw.
Not one of us escaped unhurt. I was wounded in the face, and if they had had more arrows ( for only a few were found) without any doubt they would have done us great harm. At the last onset the Captains Dorantes, Penalosa and Tellez, with fifteen men, placed themselves in ambush and attacked them from the rear, causing them to flee and leave us. The next morning I destroyed more than thirty of their canoes, which served to protect us against a northern wind then blowing, on account of which we had to stay there, in the severe cold, not venturing out to sea on account of the heavy storm. After this we again embarked and navigated for three days, having taken along but a small supply of water, the vessels we had for it being few. So we found ourselves in the same plight as before.
Continuing onward, we entered a firth and there saw a canoe with Indians approaching. As we hailed them they came, and the Governor, whose barge they neared first, asked them for water. They offered to get some, provided we gave them something in which to carry it, and a Christian Greek, called Doroteo Teodoro (who has already been mentioned), said he would go with them. The Governor and others vainly tried to dissuade him, but he insisted upon going and went, taking along a negro, while the Indians left two of their number as hostages. At night the Indians returned and brought back our vessels, but without water; neither did the Christians return with them. Those that had remained as hostages, when their people spoke to them, attempted to throw themselves into the water. But our men in the barge held them back, and so the other Indians forsook their canoe, leaving us very despondent and sad for the loss of those two Christians.
In the morning many canoes of Indians came, demanding their two companions, who had remained in the barge as hostages. The Governor answered that he would give them up, provided they returned the two Christians. With those people there came five or six chiefs, who seemed to us to be of better appearance, greater authority and manner of composure than any we had yet seen, although not as tall as those of whom we have before spoken. They wore the hair loose and very long, and were clothed in robes of marten, of the kind we had obtained previously, some of them done up in a very strange fashion, because they showed patterns of fawn-colored furs that looked very well.
They entreated us to go with them, and said that they would give us the Christians, water and many other things, and more canoes kept coming towards us, trying to block the mouth of that inlet, and for this reason, as well as because the land appeared very dangerous to remain in, we took again to sea, where we stayed with them till noon. And as they would not return the Christians, and for that reason neither would we give up the Indians, they began to throw stones at us with slings, and darts, threatening to shoot arrows, although we did not see more than three or four bows.
While thus engaged the wind freshened and they turned about and left us. We navigated that day until nightfall, when my bark, which was the foremost, discovered a promontory made by the coast. At the other end was a very large river, and at a small island on the point I anchored to wait for the other barges.
The Governor did not want to touch, but entered a bay close by, where there were many small islands. There we got together and took fresh water out of the sea, because the river emptied into it like a torrent.
For two days we had eaten the corn raw, and now, in order to toast it, we went ashore on that island, but not finding any firewood, agreed to go to the river, which was one league from there behind the point. However, the current was so strong that it in no way allowed us to land, but rather carried us away from the shore against all our efforts. The north wind that blew off shore freshened so much that it drove us back to the high sea, without our being able to do anything against it, and at about one-half league from shore we sounded and found no bottom even at thirty fathoms. Without being able to understand it, it was the current that disturbed our soundings. We navigated two days yet, trying hard to reach the shore. On the third day, a little before sunrise, we saw many columns of smoke rising on the coast. Working towards these, we found ourselves in three fathoms of water, but it being night did not dare to land because, as we had seen so much smoke, we believed that greater danger might be in wait for us there. We were unable to see, owing to the darkness, what we should do. So we determined to wait until morning.
When it dawned the barges had been driven apart from each other. I found myself in thirty fathoms and, drifting along at the hour of vespers, I descried two barges, and as I approached saw that the first one was that of the Governor, who asked me what I thought we should do. I told him that we ought to rejoin the other barge, which was ahead of us, and in no manner forsake her, and the three together should continue our way whither God might take us. He replied it was impossible, since the barge was drifting far away into the sea, whereas he wanted to land, but that if I wished to follow I should put the people of my barge at the oars and work hard, as only by the strength of our arms the land could be reached. In this he had been advised by a captain he had along, whose name was Pantoja, who told him that if he did not land that day he would not in six days more, during which time we would of necessity starve.
Seeing his determination, I took to my own oar and the other oarsmen in my craft did the same, and thus we rowed until nearly sunset. But as the Governor had with him the healthiest and strongest men, in no way could we follow or keep up with him. Seeing this, I asked him to give me a rope from his barge to be able to follow, but he answered that it was no small effort on their part alone to reach the shore on that night. I told him that since it was barely possible for us to follow and do what he had ordained, he should tell me what he commanded me to do. He answered that this was no time for orders; that each one should do the best he could to save himself; that he intended to do it that way, and with this he went on with his craft.
As I could not follow him, I went after the other barge, which was out at sea and waited for me, and reaching it I found it was the one of the Captains Penalosa and Tellez. We travelled together for four days, our daily ration being half a handful of raw maize. At the end of these four days a storm overtook us, in which the other barge was lost. God's great mercy preserved us from being drowned in that weather.
It being winter and the cold very great, and as we had been suffering so many days from hunger and from the injuries we received from the waves, that the next day people began to break down, so that when the sun set all those aboard of my barge had fallen in a heap and were so near dying that few remained conscious, and not five men kept on their feet.
When night came the skipper and I were the only ones able to manage the barge. Two hours after nightfall the skipper told me to steer the craft alone, since he felt that he would die that same night. Thereupon I stood at the helm, and after midnight went to see if the skipper was dead, but he said that, on the contrary, he felt better and would steer till daybreak. On that occasion I would have hailed death with delight rather than to see so many people around me in such a condition. After the skipper had taken the barge under his control I went to rest, very much without resting, for I thought of anything else but sleep.
Near daybreak I fancied to hear the sound of breakers, for as the coast was low, their noise was greater. Surprised at it, I called to the skipper, who said he thought we were near the shore. Sounding, we found seven fathoms, and he was of the opinion that we should keep off shore till dawn. So I took the oar and rowed along the coast, from which we were one league away, and turned the stern to seaward.
Close to shore a wave took us and hurled the barge a horse's length out of water. With the violent shock nearly all the people who lay in the boat like dead came to themselves, and, seeing we were close to land, began to crawl out on all fours. As they took to some rocks, we built a fire and toasted some of our maize. We found rain water, and with the warmth of the fire people revived and began to cheer up. The day we arrived there was the sixth of the month of November.
After the people had eaten I sent Lope de Oviedo, who was the strongest and heartiest of all, to go to some trees nearby and climb to the top of one, examine the surroundings and the country in which we were. He did so and found we were on an island, and that the ground was hollowed out, as if cattle had gone over it, from which it seemed to him that the land belonged to Christians, and so he told us. I sent him again to look and examine more closely if there were any worn trails, and not to go too far so as not to run into danger. He went, found a footpath, followed it for about one-half league, and saw several Indian huts which stood empty because the Indians had gone out into the field.
He took away a cooking pot, a little dag and a few ruffs and turned back, but as he seemed to delay I sent two other Christians to look for him and find out what had happened.
They met him nearby and saw that three Indians, with bows and arrows, were following and calling to him, while he did the same to them by signs. So he came to where we were, the Indians remaining behind, seated on the beach. Half an hour after a hundred Indian archers joined them, and our fright was such that, whether tall or little, it made them appear giants to us. They stood still close to the first ones, near where we were.
We could not defend ourselves, as there were scarcely three of us who could stand on their feet. The inspector and I stepped forward and called them. They came, and we tried to quiet them the best we could and save ourselves, giving them beads and bells. Each one of them gave me an arrow in token of friendship, and by signs they gave us to understand that on the following morning they would come back with food, as then they had none.
The next day, at sunrise, which was the hour the Indians had given us to understand, they came as promised and brought us plenty of fish and some roots which they eat that taste like nuts, some bigger, some smaller, most of which are taken out of the water with much trouble.
In the evening they returned and brought us more fish and some of the same roots, and they brought their women and children to look at us. They thought themselves very rich with the little bells and beads we gave them, and thereafter visited us daily with the same things as before. As we saw ourselves provided with fish, roots, water and the other things we had asked for, we concluded to embark again and continue our voyage.
We lifted the barge out of the sand into which it had sunk ( for which purpose we all had to take off our clothes) and had great work to set her afloat, as our condition was such that much lighter things would have given us trouble.
Then we embarked. Two crossbow shots from shore a wave swept over us, we all got wet, and being naked and the cold very great, the oars dropped out of our hands. The next wave overturned the barge. The inspector and two others clung to her to save themselves, but the contrary happened; they got underneath the barge and were drowned.
The shore being very rough, the sea took the others and thrust them, half dead, on the beach of the same island again, less the three that had perished underneath the barge.
The rest of us, as naked as we had been born, had lost everything, and while it was not worth much, to us it meant a great deal. It was in November, bitterly cold, and we in such a state that every bone could easily be counted, and we looked like death itself. Of myself I can say that since the month of May I had not tasted anything but toasted maize, and even sometimes had been obliged to eat it raw. Although the horses were killed during the time the barges were built, I never could eat of them, and not ten times did I taste fish. This I say in order to explain and that any one might guess how we were off. On top of all this, a north wind arose, so that we were nearer death than life. It pleased Our Lord that, searching for the remnants of our former fire, we found wood with which we built big fires and then with many tears begged Our Lord for mercy and forgiveness of our sins. Every one of us pitied not only himself, but all the others whom he saw in the same condition.
At sunset the Indians, thinking we had not left, came to bring us food, but when they saw us in such a different attire from before and so strange-looking, they were so frightened as to turn back. I went to call them, and in great fear they came. I then gave them to understand by signs how we had lost a barge and three of our men had been drowned, while before them there lay two of our men dead, with the others about to go the same way.
Upon seeing the disaster we had suffered, our misery and distress, the Indians sat down with us and all began to weep out of compassion for our misfortune, and for more than half an hour they wept so loud and so sincerely that it could be heard far away.
Verily, to see beings so devoid of reason, untutored, so like unto brutes, yet so deeply moved by pity for us, it increased my feelings and those of others in my company for our own misfortune. When the lament was over, I spoke to the Christians and asked them if they would like me to beg the Indians to take us to their homes. Some of the men, who had been to New Spain, answered that it would be unwise, as, once at their abode, they might sacrifice us to their idols.
Still, seeing there was no remedy and that in any other way death was surer and nearer, I did not mind what they said, but begged the Indians to take us to their dwellings, at which they showed great pleasure, telling us to tarry yet a little, but that they would do what we wished. Soon thirty of them loaded themselves with firewood and went to their lodges, which were far away, while we stayed with the others until it was almost dark. Then they took hold of us and carried us along hurriedly to where they lived.
Against the cold, and lest on the way some one of us might faint or die, they had provided four or five big fires on the road, at each one of which they warmed us. As soon as they saw we had regained a little warmth and strength they would carry us to the next fire with such haste that our feet barely touched the ground.
So we got to their dwellings, where we saw they had built a hut for us with many fires in it. About one hour after our arrival began to dance and to make a great celebration (which lasted the whole night), although there was neither pleasure, feast nor sleep in it for us, since we expected to be sacrificed. In the morning they again gave us fish and roots, and treated us so well that we became reassured, losing somewhat our apprehension of being butchered.
That same day I saw on one of the Indians a trinket he had not gotten from us, and asking from where they had obtained it they answered, by signs, that other men like ourselves and who were still in our rear, had given it to them. Hearing this, I sent two Christians with two Indians to guide them to those people. Very near by they met them, and they also were looking for us, as the Indians had told them of our presence in the neighborhood. These were the Captains Andres Dorantes and Alonso del Castillo, with all of their crew. When they came near us they were much frightened at our appearance and grieved at being unable to give us anything, since they had nothing but their clothes. And they stayed with us there, telling how, on the fifth of that same month, their barge stranded a league and a half from there, and they escaped without anything being lost.
All together, we agreed upon repairing their barge, and that those who had strength and inclination should proceed in it, while the others should remain until completely restored and then go as best they could along the coast, following it till God would be pleased to get us all together to a land of Christians.
So we set to work, but ere the barge was afloat Tavera, a gentleman in our company, died, while the barge proved not to be seaworthy and soon sank. Now, being in the condition which I have stated &emdash; that is, most of us naked and the weather so unfavorable for walking and for swimming across rivers and coves, and we had neither food nor any way to carry it, we determined upon submitting to necessity and upon wintering there, and we also agreed that four men, who were the most able-bodied, should go to Panuco, which we believed to be nearby, and that, if it was God, Our Lord's will to take them there, they should tell of our remaining on the island and of our distress. One of them was a Portuguese, called Alvaro Fernandez, a carpenter and sailor; the second was Mendez; the third, Figueroa, a native of Toledo; the fourth, Astudillo, from Zafra. They were all good swimmers and took with them an Indian from the island.
A few days after these four Christians had left, the weather became so cold and tempestuous that the Indians could no longer pull roots, and the canebrake in which they used to fish yielded nothing more. As the lodges afforded so little shelter, people began to die, and five Christians, quartered on the coast, were driven to such an extremity that they ate each other up until but one remained, who being left alone, there was nobody to eat him. Their names are: Sierra, Diego, Lopez, Corral, Palacios and Gonzalo Ruiz. At this the Indians were so startled, and there was such an uproar among them, that I verily believe if they had seen this at the beginning they would have killed them, and we all would have been in great danger. After a very short time, out of eighty men who had come there in our two parties only fifteen remained alive.
Then the natives fell sick from the stomach, so that one-half of them died also, and they, believing we had killed them, and holding it to be certain, they agreed among themselves to kill those of us who survived.
But when they came to execute it an Indian who kept me told them not to believe we were the cause of their dying, for if we had so much power we would not have suffered so many of our own people to perish without being able to remedy it ourselves. He also told them there remained but very few of us, and none of them did any harm or injury, so that the best was to let us alone. It pleased Our Lord they should listen to his advice and counsel and give up their idea.
To this island we gave the name of the Island of Ill-Fate. The people on it are tall and well formed; they have no other weapons than bows and arrows with which they are most dexterous. The men have one of their nipples perforated from side to side and sometimes both; through this hole is thrust a reed as long as two and a half hands and as thick as two fingers; they also have the under lip perforated and a piece of cane in it as thin as the half of a finger. The women do the hard work. People stay on this island from October till the end of February, feeding on the roots I have mentioned, taken from under the water in November and December. They have channels made of reeds and get fish only during that time; afterwards they subsist on roots. At the end of February they remove to other parts in search of food, because the roots begin to sprout and are not good any more.
Of all the people in the world, they are those who most love their children and treat them best, and should the child of one of them happen to die, parents and relatives bewail it, and the whole settlement, the lament lasting a full year, day after day. Before sunrise the parents begin to weep, after them the tribe, and the same they do at noon and at dawn. At the end of the year of mourning they celebrate the anniversary and wash and cleanse themselves of all their paint. They mourn all their dead in this manner, old people excepted, to whom they do not pay any attention, saying that these have had their time and are no longer of any use, but only take space, and food from the children.
Their custom as to bury the dead, except those who are medicine men among them, whom they burn, and while the fire is burning, all dance and make a big festival, grinding the bones to powder. At the end of the year, when they celebrate the anniversary, they scarify themselves and give to the relatives the pulverized bones to drink in water. Every man has a recognized wife, but the medicine men enjoy greater privileges, since they may have two or three, and among these wives there is great friendship and harmony.
When one takes a woman for his wife, from the day he marries her, whatever he may hunt or fish, she has to fetch it to the home of her father, without daring to touch or eat of it, and from the home of the father-in-law they bring the food to the husband. All the while neither the wife's father nor her mother enter his abode, nor is he allowed to go to theirs, or to the homes of his brothers-in-law, and should they happen to meet they go out of each other's way a crossbow's shot or so, with bowed heads and eyes cast to the ground, holding it to be an evil thing to look at each other or speak. The women are free to communicate with their parents-in-law or relatives and speak to them. This custom prevails from that island as far as about fifty leagues inland.
There is another custom, that when a son or brother dies no food is gathered by those of his household for three months, preferring rather to starve, but the relatives and neighbors provide them with victuals. Now, as during the time we were there so many of them died, there was great starvation in most of the lodges, due to their customs and ceremonials, as well as to the weather, which was so rough that such as could go out after food brought in but very little, withal working hard for it. Therefore the Indians by whom I was kept forsook the island and in several canoes went over to the mainland to some bays where there were a great many oysters and during three months of the year they do not eat anything else and drink very bad water. There is lack of firewood, but great abundance of mosquitoes. Their lodges are made of matting and built on oyster shells, upon which they sleep in hides, which they only get by chance. There we remained to the end of April, when we went to the seashore, where we ate blackberries for a whole month, during which time they danced and celebrated incessantly.
On the island I have spoken of they wanted to make medicine men of us without any examination or asking for our diplomas, because they cure diseases by breathing on the sick, and with that breath and their hands they drive the ailment away. So they summoned us to do the same in order to be at least of some use. We laughed, taking it for a jest, and said that we did not understand how to cure.
Thereupon they withheld our food to compel us to do what they wanted. Seeing our obstinacy, an Indian told me that I did not know what I said by claiming that what he knew was useless, because stones and things growing out in the field have their virtues, and he, with a heated stone, placing it on the stomach, could cure and take away pain, so that we, who were wiser men, surely had greater power and virtue.
At last we found ourselves in such stress as to have to do it, without risking any punishment. Their manner of curing is as follows: When one is ill they call in a medicine man, and after they are well again not only do they give him all they have, but even things they strive to obtain from their relatives. All the medicine man does is to make a few cuts where the pain is located and then suck the skin around the incisions. They cauterize with fire, thinking it very effective, and I found it to be so by my own experience. Then they breathe on the spot where the pain is and believe that with this the disease goes away.
The way we treated the sick was to make over them the sign of the cross while breathing on them, recite a Pater noster and Ave Maria, and pray to God, Our Lord, as best we could to give them good health and inspire them to do us some favors. Thanks to His will and the mercy He had upon us, all those for whom we prayed, as soon as we crossed them, told the others that they were cured and felt well again. For this they gave us good cheer, and would rather be without food themselves so as to give it to us, and they gave us hides and other small things. So great was the lack of food then that I often remained without eating anything whatsoever for three days, and they were in the same plight, so that it seemed to me impossible for life to last, although I afterwards suffered still greater privations and much more distress, as I shall tell further on.
The Indians that kept Alonso del Castillo, Andres Dorantes and the others, who were still alive, being of another language and stock, had gone to feed on oysters at another point of the mainland, where they remained until the first day of the month of April. Then they came back to the island, which was from there nearly two leagues off, where the channel is broadest. The island is half a league wide and five long.
All the people of this country go naked; only the women cover part of their bodies with a kind of wool that grows on trees. The girls go about in deer skins. They are very liberal towards each other with what they have. There is no ruler among them. All who are of the same descendancy cluster together. There are two distinct languages spoken on the island; those of one language are called Capoques, those of the other Han. They have the custom, when they know each other and meet from time to time, before they speak, to weep for half an hour. After they have wept the one who receives the visit rises and gives to the other all he has. The other takes it, and in a little while goes away with everything. Even sometimes, after having given and obtained all, they part without having uttered a word. There are other very queer customs, but having told the principal ones and the most striking, I must now proceed to relate what further happened to us.
After Dorantes and Castillo had come back to the island, they gathered together all the Christians, who were somewhat scattered, and there were in all fourteen. I, as told, was in another place, on the mainland, whither my Indians had taken me and where I suffered from such a severe illness that, although I might otherwise have entertained some hope for life, this was enough to take it away from me completely. When the Christians learned of it they gave an Indian the robe of marten we had taken from the cacique, as stated, in order that he should guide them to where I was, to see me, and so twelve of them came, two having become so feeble that they did not dare to take them along.
The names of those who came are: Alonso del Castillo, Andres Dorantes and Diego Dorantes, Valdivieso, Estrada, Tostado, Chaves, Gutierrez, an Asturian priest; Diego de Huelva, Estevanico, the negro Benitez, and as they reached the mainland they found still another of our men named Francisco de Leon, and the thirteen went along the coast. After they had gone by, the Indians with whom I was told me of it, and how Hieronimo de Alaniz and Lope de Oviedo had been left on the island.
My sickness prevented me from following or seeing them. I had to remain with those same Indians of the island for more than one year, and as they made me work so much and treated me so badly I determined to flee and go to those who live in the woods on the mainland, and who are called those from (of) Charruco.
I could no longer stand the life I was compelled to lead. Among many other troubles I had to pull the eatable roots out of the water and from among the canes where they were buried in the ground, and from this my fingers had become so tender that the mere touch of a straw caused them to bleed. The reeds would cut me in many places, because many were broken and I had to go in among them with the clothing I had on, of which I have told. This is why I went to work and joined the other Indians. Among these I improved my condition a little by becoming a trader, doing the best in it I could, and they gave me food and treated me well.
They entreated me to go about from one part to another to get the things they needed, as on account of constant warfare there is neither travel nor barter in the land.
So, trading along with my wares I penetrated inland as far as I cared to go and along the coast as much as forty or fifty leagues. My stock consisted mainly of pieces of seashells and cockles, and shells with which they cut a fruit which is like a bean, used by them for healing and in their dances and feasts. This is of greatest value among them, besides shell-beads and other objects. These things I carried inland, and in exchange brought back hides and red ochre with which they rub and dye their faces and hair; flint for arrow points, glue and hard canes where-with to make them, and tassels made of the hair of deer, which they dye red. This trade suited me well because it gave me liberty to go wherever I pleased; I was not bound to do anything and no longer a slave. Wherever I went they treated me well, and gave me to eat for the sake of my wares. My principal object in doing it, however, was to find out in what manner I might get further away. I became well known among them; they rejoiced greatly when seeing me and I would bring them what they needed, and those who did not know me would desire and endeavor to meet me for the sake of my fame.
My sufferings, while trading thus, it would take long to tell; danger, hunger, storms and frost overtaking me often in the open field and alone, and from which through the mercy of God, Our Lord, I escaped. For this reason I did not go out trading in winter, it being the time when the Indians themselves remain in their huts and abodes, unable to go out or assist each other.
Nearly six years I spent thus in the country, alone among them and naked, as they all were themselves.
The reason for remaining so long was that I wished to take with me a Christian called Lope de Oviedo, who still lingered on the island. The other companion, Alaniz, who remained with him after Alonso del Castillo and Andres Dorantes and all the others had gone, soon died, and in order to get him (Oviedo) out of there, I went over to the island every year, entreating him to leave with me and go, as well as we could, in search of Christians. But year after year he put it off to the year that was to follow. In the end I got him to come, took him away, and carried him across the inlets and through four rivers on the coast, since he could not swim. Thence we proceeded, together with several Indians, to an inlet one league wide, very deep everywhere and which seemed to us, from what we saw, to be the one called of the Holy Ghost.
On the opposite shore we saw Indians who had come to meet those in our company. They informed us that further on there were three men like ourselves and told us their names. Upon being asked about the rest of the party, they answered that all had died from cold and hunger and that the Indians beyond had killed Diego Dorantes, Valdivieso and Diego de Huelva willfully, only because these had gone from one house to another, and their neighbors with whom was now the Captain Dorantes, had, in consequence of some dream dreamt by these Indians, killed Esquivel and Mendez also. We asked them about those who remained alive, and they said they were in a very sorry condition, as the boys and other Indians, idlers and roughs, kicked them, slapped their faces and beat them with sticks, and such was the life they had to lead.
We inquired about the country further on and the sustenance that might be found in it. They said it was very thinly settled, with nothing to eat, and the people dying from cold, as they had neither hides nor anything else to protect their bodies. They also told us that, if we wished to meet the three Christians about two days hence, the Indians would come to a place about a league from there on the shore of that river to feed on nuts. And to show us that what they said of the ill-treatment of our people was true the Indians with whom we were kicked and beat my companion. Neither did I remain without my share of it. They threw mud at us, and put arrows to our chests every day, saying they would kill us in the same way as our companions. And fearing this, Lope de Oviedo, my companion, said he preferred to go back, with some women of the Indians in whose company we had forded the cove and who had remained behind. I insisted he should not go and did all I could to prevail upon him to remain, but it was in vain. He went back and I remained alone among these Indians, who are named Guevenes, whereas those with whom he went away were called Deaguanes.
Two days after Lope de Oviedo had gone the Indians who kept Alonso del Castillo and Andres Dorantes came to the very spot we had been told of to eat the nuts upon which they subsist for two months in the year, grinding certain small grains with them, without eating anything else. Even of that they do not always have, since one year there may be some and the next year not. They (the nuts) are of the size of those of Galicia, and the trees are very big and numerous.
An Indian told me that the Christians had come and that if I wished to see them I should run away to hide on the edge of a grove to which he pointed, as he and some of his relatives were to visit these Indians and would take me along to the Christians. I confided in them and determined to do it because they spoke a different language from that of my Indians. So the next day they took me along. When I got near the site where they had their lodges, Andres Dorantes came out to look who it was, because the Indians had informed him also that a Christian was coming, and when he saw me he was much frightened, as for many days they believed me to be dead, the Indians having told them so. We gave many thanks to God for being together again, and that day was one of the happiest we enjoyed in our time, and going to where was Castillo they asked me whither I went. I told him my purpose was to go to a country of Christians and that I followed this direction and trail. Andres Dorantes said that for many days he had been urging Castillo and Estevanico to go further on, but they did not risk it, being unable to swim and afraid of the rivers and inlets that had to be crossed so often in that country.
Still, as it pleased God, Our Lord, to spare me after all my sufferings and sickness and finally let me rejoin them, they at last determined upon fleeing, as I would take them safely across the rivers and bays we might meet. But they advised me to keep it secret from the Indians (as well as my own departure) lest they would kill me forthwith, and that to avoid this it was necessary to remain with them for six months longer, after which time they would remove to another section in order to eat prickly pears. These are a fruit of the size of eggs, red and black, and taste very good. For three months they subsist upon them exclusively, eating nothing else.
Now, at the time they pluck this fruit, other Indians from beyond come to them with bows for barter and exchange, and when those turn back we thought of joining them and escaping in this way. With this understanding I remained, and they gave me as a slave to an Indian with whom Dorantes stayed. This Indian, his wife, their son and another Indian who was with them were all cross-eyed. These are called Mariames, and Castillo was with others, who were their neighbors, called Iguaces.
And so, being here with them, they told me that after leaving the Island of Ill-Fate they met on the coast the boat in which the purser and the monks were going adrift, and that crossing the rivers, of which there were four, all very large and very swift, the barges in which they crossed were swept out into the sea, where four of their number were drowned. Thus they went ahead until they had crossed the inlet, which they did by dint of great efforts. Fifteen leagues from there they met another of our parties, and when they reached there, already two of their companions had died in sixty leagues of travel. The survivors also were very near death. On the whole trip they ate nothing but crawfish and yerba pedrera.
At this, the last cove, they said they saw Indians eating blackberries, who, upon perceiving the Christians, went away to another promontory. While seeking a way to cross the cove an Indian and a Christian came towards them, and they recognized Figueroa, one of the four we had sent ahead from the Island of Ill-Fate, who there told them how he and his companions had gotten to that place, where two of their number and one Indian had died from cold and hunger, because they had come and remained in the worst weather known. He also said the Indians took him and Mendez.
While with them Mendez fled, going in the direction of Panuco as best he might, but the Indians pursued and killed him. So, as he (Figueroa) was with these same Indians he learned (from them) that with the Mariames there was a Christian who had come over from the other side and had met him with those called Guevenes, and that this Christian was Hernando de Esquivel, from Badajoz, a companion of the commissary. From Esquivel he learned how the Governor, the purser and the others had ended.
The purser, with the friars, had stranded with their barge among the rivers, and, while they were proceeding along the coast, the barge of the Governor and his men came to land also. He (the Governor) then went with his barge as far as the big cove, whence he returned and took his men across to the other side, then came back for the purser, the monks and the rest. He further told him that after disembarking, the Governor revoked the powers he had given to the purser as his lieutenant, giving the office to a captain that was with him called Pantoja.
The Governor did not land that night, but remained on his barge with a pilot and a page who was sick. They had neither water nor anything to eat aboard, and at midnight a northerner set in with such violence that it carried the barge out into the sea, without anybody noticing it. They had for an anchor only a stone, and never more did they hear of him. Thereupon the people who had remained on land proceeded along the coast, and, being much impeded by water, built rafts with great trouble, in which they passed to the other side.
Going ahead, they reached a point of timber on the beach, where they found Indians, who, upon seeing them approach, placed their lodges on the canoes and crossed over to the other side of the coast, and the Christians, in view of the season and weather, since it was in the month of November, remained in this timber, because they found water and firewood, some crawfish and other sea-food, but from cold and hunger they began to die.
Moreover, Pantoja, who remained as lieutenant, ill-treated them. On this Sotomayor, brother of Vasco Porcallo (the one from the Island of Cuba, who had come in the fleet as Maestro de Campo), unable to stand it longer, quarreled with Pantoja and struck him a blow with a stick, of which he died. Thus they perished one after another, the survivors slicing the dead for meat. The last one to die was Sotomayor, and Esquivel cut him up and fed on his body until the first of March, when an Indian, of those who had taken to flight previously, came to look if they were dead and took Esquivel along with him.
Once in the hands of this Indian, Figueroa spoke to Esquivel, learning from him what we have told here, and he entreated him to go in his company towards Panuco. But Esquivel refused, saying he had heard from the monks that Panuco was in their rear, and so he remained, while Figueroa went back to the coast where he formerly had been.
All this account Figueroa gave after Esquivel's narrative, and thus, from one to the other, it came to me. Through it the fate of the whole fleet will be learned and known, and what happened to every one in particular. And he said furthermore that if the Christians would go about there for some time they might possibly meet Esquivel, because he knew that he had run away from the Indian with whom he was and gone to others called Mariames,who were their neighbors. And, as I have just said, he and the Asturian wished to go to other Indians further on, but when those with whom they were found it out, they beat them severely, undressed the Asturian and pierced one of his arms with an arrow.
At last the Christians escaped through flight, and remained with the other Indians, whose slaves they agreed to become. But, although serving them, they were so ill-treated, that no slaves, nor men in any condition of life, were ever so abused. Not content with cuffing and beating them and pulling out their beards for mere pastime, they killed three out of the six only because they went from one lodge to another. These were Diego Dorantes, Valdivieso and Diego de Huelva. The three remaining ones expected to meet the same fate in the end.
To escape from that life Andres Dorantes fled to the Mariames, and they were the ones with whom Esquivel had been. They told him how Esquivel stayed with them and how he fled because a woman dreamt he would kill her son, and the Indians pursued and killed him. They also showed Andres Dorantes his sword, his rosary, his prayer book and other things of his.
It is a custom of theirs to kill even their own children for the sake of dreams, and the girls when newly born they throw away to be eaten by dogs. The reason why they do it is (as they say) that all the others of that country are their enemies with whom they are always at war, and should they marry their daughters they might multiply so much as to be able to overcome them and reduce them to slavery. Hence they prefer to kill the girls rather than see them give birth to children who would become their foes.
We asked them why they did not wed the girls among themselves. They replied it was bad to marry them to their own kin, and much better to do away with their daughters than to leave them to relatives or to enemies. This custom they have in common with their neighbors, the Iguaces, and no other tribe of that country has it. When they want to get married they buy their wives from their enemies. The price paid for a woman is a bow, the best to be had, with two arrows, and if he has no bow he gives a net as much as a fathom in width and one in length. They kill their own children and buy those of strangers. Marriage only lasts as long as they please. For a mere nothing they break up wedlock.
Dorantes remained only a few days with those Indians and then escaped. Castillo and Estevanico went inland to the Iguaces. All those people are archers and well built, although not as tall as those we had left behind us, and they have the nipple and lip perforated. Their principal food are two or three kinds of roots, which they hunt for all over the land; they are very unhealthy, inflating, and it takes two days to roast them. Many are very bitter, and with all that they are gathered with difficulty. But those people are so much exposed to starvation that these roots are to them indispensable and they walk two and three leagues to obtain them. Now and then they kill deer and at times get a fish, but this is so little and their hunger so great that they eat spiders and ant eggs, worms, lizards and salamanders and serpents, also vipers the bite of which is deadly. They swallow earth and wood, and all they can get, the dung of deer and more things I do not mention; and I verily believe, from what I saw, that if there were any stones in the country they would eat them also. They preserve the bones of the fish they eat, of snakes and other animals, to pulverize them and eat the powder.
The men do not carry burdens or loads, the women and old men have to do it, for those are the people they least esteem. They have not as much love for their children as those spoken of before. Some among them are given to unnatural vices. The women are compelled to do very hard work and in a great many ways, for out of twenty-four hours of day and night they get only six hours' rest. They spend most of the night in stirring the fire to dry those roots which they eat, and at daybreak they begin to dig and carry firewood and water to their houses and attend to other necessary matters. Most of these Indians are great thieves, for, although very liberal towards each other, as soon as one turns his heads his own son or the father grabs what he can. They are great liars and drunkards and take something in order to become intoxicated. They are so accustomed to running that, without resting or getting tired, they run from morning till night in pursuit of a deer, and kill a great many, because they follow until the game is worn out, sometimes catching it alive. Their huts are of matting placed over four arches. They carry them on their back and move every two or three days in quest of food; they plant nothing that would be of any use.
They are a very merry people, and even when famished do not cease to dance and celebrate their feasts and ceremonials. Their best times are when "tunas" (prickly pears) are ripe, because then they have plenty to eat and spend the time in dancing and eating day and night. As long as these tunas last they squeeze and open them and set them to dry. When dried they are put in baskets like figs and kept to be eaten on the way. The peelings they grind and pulverize.
While with them it happened many times that we were three or four days without food. Then, in order to cheer us, they would tell us not to despair, since we would have tunas very soon and eat much and drink their juice and get big stomachs and be merry, contented and without hunger. But from the day they said it to the season of the tunas there would still elapse five or six months, and we had to wait that long.
When the time came, and we went to eat tunas, there were a great many mosquitoes of three kinds, all very bad and troublesome, which during most of the summer persecuted us. In order to protect ourselves we built, all around our camps, big fires of damp and rotten wood, that gave no flame but much smoke, and this was the cause of further trouble to us, for the whole night we did not do anything but weep from the smoke that went to our eyes, and the heat from the fires was so insufferable that we would go to the shore for rest. And when, sometimes, we were able to sleep, the Indians roused us again with blows to go and kindle the fires.
Those from further inland have another remedy, just as bad and even worse, which is to go about with a firebrand, setting fire to the plains and timber so as to drive off the mosquitoes, and also to get lizards and similar things which they eat, to come out of the soil. In the same manner they kill deer, encircling them with fires, and they do it also to deprive the animals of pasture, compelling them to go for food where the Indians want. For never they build their abodes except where there are wood and water, and sometimes load themselves with the requisites and go in quest of deer, which are found mostly where there is neither water nor wood.
On the very day they arrive they kill deer and whatever else can be had and use all the water and wood to cook their food with and build fires against the mosquitoes. They wait for another day to get something to take along on the road, and when they leave they are so badly bitten by mosquitoes as to appear like lepers. In this manner they satisfy their hunger twice or thrice a year and at such great sacrifice as I have told. Having been with them I can say that no toil or suffering in this world comes near it.
All over this country there are a great many deer, fowl and other animals which I have before enumerated. Here also they come up with cows; I have seen them thrice and have eaten their meat. They appear to me of the size of those in Spain. Their horns are small, like those of the Moorish cattle; the hair is very long, like fine wool and like a peajacket; some are brownish and others black, and to my taste they have better and more meat than those from here. Of the small hides the Indians make blankets to cover themselves with, and of the taller ones they make shoes and targets. These cows come from the north, across the country further on, to the coast of Florida, and are found all over the land for over four hundred leagues. On this whole stretch, through the valleys by which they come, people who live there descend to subsist upon their flesh. And a great quantity of hides are met with inland.
When I had been with the Christians for six months, waiting to execute our plans, the Indians went for "tunas," at a distance of thirty leagues from there, and as we were about to flee the Indians began fighting among themselves over a woman and cuffed and struck and hurt each other, and in great rage each one took his lodge and went his own way. So we Christians had to part, and in no manner could we get together again until the year following. During that time I fared very badly, as well from lack of food as from the abuse the Indians gave me. So badly was I treated that I had to flee three times from my masters, and they all went in my pursuit ready to kill me. But God, Our Lord, in His infinite goodness, protected and saved my life.
When the time for the tunas came we found each other again on the same spot. We had already agreed to escape and appointed a day for it, when on that very day the Indians separated us, sending each one to a different place, and I told my companions that I would wait for them at the tunas until full moon. It was the first of September and the first day of the new moon, and I told them that if at the time set they did not appear I would go on alone without them. We parted, each one going off with his Indians.
I remained with mine until the thirteenth of the moon, determined to escape to other Indians as soon as the moon would be full, and on that day there came to where I was Andres Dorantes and Estevanico. They told me they had left Castillo with other people nearby, called Anagados, and how they had suffered many hardships and been lost. On the following day our Indians moved towards where Castillo was and were going to join those who kept him, making friends with them, as until then they had been at war. So we got Castillo also.
During all the time we ate tunas we felt thirsty. To allay our thirst we drank the juice of the fruit, pouring it first into a pit which we dug in the soil, and when that was full we drank to satisfaction. The Indians do it in that way, out of lack of vessels. The juice is sweet and has the color of must. There are many kinds of tunas, and some very good ones, although to me all tasted well alike, hunger never leaving me time to select, or stop to think which ones were better. Most of the people drink rainwater that collects here and there, for, as they never have a fixed abode, they know no springs nor established watering places, although there are rivers.
All over the land are vast and handsome pastures, with good grass for cattle, and it strikes me the soil would be very fertile were the country inhabited and improved by reasonable people. We saw no mountains as long as we were in this country. These Indians told us that further on there were others called Cajoles, who live nearer the coast, and that they were those who killed all the people that came in the barge of Penalosa and Tellez. They had been so emaciated and feeble that when being killed they offered no resistance. So the Indians finished with all of them, and showed us some of their clothes and weapons and said the barge was still there stranded. This is the fifth of the missing ones. That of the Governor we already said had been swept out into the sea, the one of the purser and the monks was seen stranded on the beach and Esquivel told us of their end. Of the two in which Castillo, I and Dorantes were I have told how they sank close to the Isle of Ill-Fate.
Two days after moving we recommended ourselves to God, Our Lord, and fled, hoping that, although it was late in the season and the fruits of the tunas were giving out, by remaining in the field we might still get over a good portion of the land. As we proceeded that day, in great fear lest the Indians would follow us, we descried smoke, and, going towards it, reached the place after sundown, where we found an Indian who, when he saw us coming, did not wait, but ran away. We sent the negro after him, and as the Indian saw him approach alone he waited. The negro told him that we were going in search of the people that had raised the smoke. He answered that the dwellings were nearby and that he would guide us, and we followed. He hurried ahead to tell of our coming. At sunset we came in sight of the lodges, and two crossbow shots before reaching them met four Indians waiting for us, and they received us well. We told them in the language of the Mariames that we had come to see them. They appeared to be pleased with our company and took us to their homes. They lodged Dorantes and the negro at the house of a medicine man, and me and Castillo at that of another. These Indians speak another language and are called Avavares. They were those who used to fetch bows to ours and barter with them, and, although of another nation and speech, they understand the idiom of those with whom we formerly were and had arrived there on that very day with their lodges. Forthwith they offered us many tunas, because they had heard of us and of how we cured and of the miracles Our Lord worked through us. And surely, even if there had been no other tokens, it was wonderful how He prepared the way for us through a country so scantily inhabited, causing us to meet people where for a long time there had been none, saving us from so many dangers, not permitting us to be killed, maintaining us through starvation and distress and moving the hearts of the people to treat us well, as we shall tell further on.
On the night we arrived there some Indians came to Castillo complaining that their heads felt very sore and begging him for relief. As soon as he had made the sign of the cross over them and recommended them to God, at that very moment the Indians said that all the pain was gone. They went back to their abodes and brought us many tunas and a piece of venison, something we did not know any more what it was, and as the news spread that same night there came many other sick people for him to cure, and each brought a piece of venison, and so many there were that we did not know where to store the meat. We thanked God for His daily increasing mercy and kindness, and after they were all well they began to dance and celebrate and feast until sunrise of the day following.
They celebrated our coming for three days, at the end of which we asked them about the land further on, the people and the food that there might be obtained. They replied there were plenty of tunas all through that country, but that the season was over and nobody there, because all had gone to their abodes after gathering tunas; also that the country was very cold and very few hides in it. Hearing this, and as winter and cold weather were setting in, we determined to spend it with those Indians. Five days after our arrival they left to get more tunas at a place where people of a different nation and language lived, and having travelled five days, suffering greatly from hunger, as on the way there were neither tunas nor any kind of fruit, we came to a river, where we pitched our lodges.
As soon as we were settled we went out to hunt for the fruit of certain trees, which are like spring bittervetch (orobus), and as through all that country there are no trails, I lost too much time in hunting for them. The people returned without me, and starting to rejoin them that night I went astray and got lost. It pleased God to let me find a burning tree, by the fire of which I spent that very cold night, and in the morning loaded myself with wood, took two burning sticks and continued my journey. Thus I went on for five days, always with my firebrands and load of wood, so that in case the fire went out where there was no timber, as in many parts there is none, I always would have wherewith to make other torches and not be without firewood. It was my only protection against the cold, for I went as naked as a newborn child. For the night I used the following artifice:
I went to the brush in the timber near the rivers and stopped in it every evening before sunset. Then I scratched a hole in the ground and threw in it much firewood from the numerous trees. I also picked up dry wood that had fallen and built around the hole four fires crosswise, being very careful to stir them from time to time. Of the long grass that grows there I made bundles, with which I covered myself in that hole and so was protected from the night cold. But one night fire fell on the straw with which I was covered, and while I was asleep in the hole it began to burn so rapidly that, although I hurried out as quick as possible, I still have marks on my hair from this dangerous accident. During all that time I did not eat a mouthful, nor could I find anything to eat, and my feet, being bare, bled a great deal. God had mercy upon me, that in all this time there was no no other; otherwise I could not have survived.
At the end of five days I reached the shores of a river and there met my Indians. They, as well as the Christians, had given me up for dead, thinking that perhaps some snake had bitten me. They all were greatly pleased to see me, the Christians especially, and told me that thus far they had wandered about famishing, and therefore had not hunted for me, and that night they gave me of their tunas. On the next day we left and went where we found a great many of that fruit with which all appeased their hunger, and we gave many thanks to Our Lord, whose help to us never failed.
Early the next day many Indians came and brought five people who were paralyzed and very ill, and they came for Castillo to cure them. Every one of the patients offered him his bow and arrows, which he accepted, and by sunset he made the sign of the cross over each of the sick, recommending them to God, Our Lord, and we all prayed to Him as well as we could to restore them to health. And He, seeing there was no other way of getting those people to help us so that we might be saved from our miserable existence, had mercy upon us, and in the morning all woke up well and hearty and went away in such good health as if they never had had any ailment whatever. This caused them great admiration and moved us to thanks to Our Lord and to greater faith in His goodness and the hope that He would save us, guiding us to where we could serve Him. For myself I may say that I always had full faith in His mercy and in that He would liberate me from captivity, and always told my companions so.
When the Indians had gone and taken along those recently cured, we removed to others that were eating tunas also, called Cultalchuches and Malicones, which speak a different language, and with them were others, called Coayos and Susolas, and on another side those called Atayos, who were at war with the Susolas, and exchanging arrow shots with them every day.
Nothing was talked about in this whole country but of the wonderful cures which God, Our Lord, performed through us, and so they came from many places to be cured, and after having been with us two days some Indians of the Susolas begged Castillo to go and attend to a man who had been wounded, as well as to others that were sick and among whom, they said, was one on the point of death. Castillo was very timid, especially in difficult and dangerous cases, and always afraid that his sins might interfere and prevent the cures from being effective. Therefore the Indians told me to go and perform the cure. They liked me, remembering that I had relieved them while they were out gathering nuts, for which they had given us nuts and hides. This had happened at the time I was coming to join the Christians. So I had to go, and Dorantes and Estevanico went with me.
When I came close to their ranches I saw that the dying man we had been called to cure was dead, for there were many people around him weeping and his lodge was torn down, which is a sign that the owner has died. I found the Indian with eyes up turned, without pulse and with all the marks of lifelessness. At least so it seemed to me, and Dorantes said the same. I removed a mat with which he was covered, and as best I could prayed to Our Lord to restore his health, as well as that of all the others who might be in need of it, and after having made the sign of the cross and breathed on him many times they brought his bow and presented it to me, and a basket of ground tunas, and took me to many others who were suffering from vertigo. They gave me two more baskets of tunas, which I left to the Indians that had come with us. Then we returned to our quarters.
Our Indians to whom I had given the tunas remained there, and at night returned telling, that the dead man whom I attended to in their presence had resuscitated, rising from his bed, had walked about, eaten and talked to them, and that all those treated by me were well and in very good spirits. This caused great surprise and awe, and all over the land nothing else was spoken of. All who heard it came to us that we might cure them and bless their children, and when the Indians in our company ( who were the Cultalchulches) had to return to their country, before parting they offered us all the tunas they had for their journey, not keeping a single one, and gave us flint stones as long as one and a-half palms, with which they cut and that are greatly prized among them. They begged us to remember them and pray to God to keep them always healthy, which we promised to do, and so they left, the happiest people upon earth, having given us the very best they had.
We remained with the Avavares Indians for eight months, according to our reckoning of the moons. During that time they came for us from many places and said that verily we were children of the sun. Until then Dorantes and the negro had not made any cures, but we found ourselves so pressed by the Indians coming from all sides, that all of us had to become medicine men. I was the most daring and reckless of all in undertaking cures. We never treated anyone that did not afterwards say he was well, and they had such confidence in our skill as to believe that none of them would die as long as we were among them.
These Indians and the ones we left behind told us a very strange tale. From their account it may have occurred fifteen or sixteen years ago. They said there wandered then about the country a man, whom they called "Bad Thing," of small stature and with a beard, although they never could see his features clearly, and whenever he would approach their dwellings their hair would stand on end and they began to tremble. In the doorway of the lodge there would then appear a firebrand. That man thereupon came in and took hold of anyone he chose, and with a sharp knife of flint, as broad as a hand and two palms in length, he cut their side, and, thrusting his hand through the gash, took out the entrails, cutting off a piece one palm long, which he threw into the fire. Afterwards he made three cuts in one of the arms, the second one at the place where people are usually bled, and twisted the arm, but reset it soon afterwards. Then he placed his hands on the wounds, and they told us that they closed at once. Many times he appeared among them while they were dancing, sometimes in the dress of a woman and again as a man, and whenever he took a notion to do it he would seize the hut or lodge, take it up into the air and come down with it again with a great crash. They also told us how, many a time, they set food before him, but he never would partake of it, and when they asked him where he came from and where he had his home, he pointed to a rent in the earth and said his house was down below.
We laughed very much at those stories, making fun of them, and then, seeing our incredulity they brought to us many of those whom, they said, he had taken, and we saw the scars of his slashes in the places and as they told. We told them he was a demon and explained as best we could that if they would believe in God, Our Lord, and be Christians like ourselves, they would not have to fear that man, nor would he come and do such things unto them, and they might be sure that as long as we were in this country he would not dare to appear again. At this they were greatly pleased and lost much of their apprehension.
The same Indians told us they had seen the Asturian and Figueroa with other Indians further along on the coast, which we had named of the figs. All those people had no reckoning by either sun or moon, nor do they count by months and years; they judge of the seasons by the ripening of fruits, by the time when fish die and by the appearance of the stars, in all of which they are very clever and expert. While with them we were always well treated, although our food was never too plentiful, and we had to carry our own water and wood. Their dwellings and their food are like those of the others, but they are much more exposed to starvation, having neither maize nor acorns or nuts. We always went about naked like they and covered ourselves at night with deer skins.
During six of the eighteen months we were with them we suffered much from hunger, because they do not have fish either. At the end of that time the tunas began to ripen, and without their noticing it we left and went to other Indians further ahead called Maliacones, at a distance of one day's travel. Three days after I and the negro reached there I sent him back to get Castillo and Dorantes, and after they rejoined me we all departed in company of the Indians, who went to eat a small fruit of some trees. On this fruit they subsist for ten or twelve days until the tunas are fully ripe. There they joined other Indians called Arbadaos, whom we found to be so sick, emaciated and swollen that we were greatly astonished. The Indians with whom we had come went back on the same trail, and we told them that we wished to remain with the others, at which they showed grief. So we remained with the others in the field near their dwellings.
When the Indians saw us they clustered together, after having talked among themselves, and each one of them took the one of us whom he claimed by the hand and they led us to their homes. While with those we suffered more from hunger than among any of the others. In the course of a whole day we did not eat more than two handfuls of the fruit, which was green and contained so much milky juice that our mouths were burnt by it. As water was very scarce, whoever ate of them became very thirsty. And we finally grew so hungry that we purchased two dogs, in exchange for nets and other things, and a hide with which I used to cover myself. I have said already that through all that country we went naked, and not being accustomed to it, like snakes we shed our skin twice a year. Exposure to the sun and air covered our chests and backs with big sores that made it very painful to carry the big and heavy loads, the ropes of which cut into the flesh of our arms.
The country is so rough and overgrown that often after we had gathered firewood in the timber and dragged it out, we would bleed freely from the thorns and spines which cut and slashed us wherever they touched. Sometimes it happened that I was unable to carry or drag out the firewood after I had gathered it with much loss of blood. In all that trouble my only relief or consolation was to remember the passion of our Saviour, Jesus Christ, and the blood He shed for me, and to ponder how much greater His sufferings had been from the thorns, than those I was then enduring. I made a contract with the Indians to make combs, arrows, bows and nets for them. Also we made matting of which their lodges are constructed and of which they are in very great need, for, although they know how to make it, they do not like to do any work, in order to be able to go in quest of food. Whenever they work they suffer greatly from hunger.
Again, they would make me scrape skins and tan them, and the greatest luxury I enjoyed was on the day they would give me a skin to scrape, because I scraped it very deep in order to eat the parings, which would last me two or three days. It also happened to us, while being with these Indians and those before mentioned, that we would eat a piece of meat which they gave us, raw, because if we broiled it the first Indian coming along would snatch and eat it; it seemed useless to take any pains, in view of what we might expect; neither were we particular to go to any trouble in order to have it broiled and might just as well eat it raw. Such was the life we led there, and even that scanty maintenance we had to earn through the objects made by our own hands for barter.
After we had eaten the dogs it seemed to us that we had enough strength to go further on, so we commended ourselves to the guidance of God, Our Lord, took leave of these Indians, and they put us on the track of others of their language who were nearby. While on our way it began to rain and rained the whole day. We lost the trail and found ourselves in a big forest, where we gathered plenty of leaves of tunas which we roasted that same night in an oven made by ourselves, and so much heat did we give them that in the morning they were fit to be eaten. After eating them we recommended ourselves to God again, and left, and struck the trail we had lost.
Issuing from the timber, we met other Indian dwellings, where we saw two women and some boys, who were so frightened at the sight of us that they fled to the forest to call the men that were in the woods. When these came they hid behind trees to peep at us. We called them and they approached in great fear. After we addressed them they told us they were very hungry and that nearby were many of their own lodges, and they would take us to them. So that night we reached a site where there were fifty dwellings, and the people were stupefied at seeing us and showed much fear. After they had recovered from their astonishment they approached and put their hands to our faces and bodies also. We stayed there that night, and in the morning they brought their sick people, begging us to cross them, and gave us of what they had to eat, which were leaves of tunas and green tunas baked.
For the sake of this good treatment, giving us all they had, content with being without anything for our sake, we remained with them several days, and during that time others came from further on. When those were about to leave we told the first ones that we intended to accompany them. This made them very sad, and they begged us on their knees not to go. But we went and left them in tears at our departure, as it pained them greatly.
From the Island of Ill-Fate on, all the Indians whom we met as far as to here have the custom of not cohabiting with their wives when these are pregnant, and until the child is two years old.
Children are nursed to the age of twelve years, when they are old enough to gather their own food. We asked them why they brought their children up in that way and they replied, it was owing to the great scarcity of food all over that country, since it was common (as we saw) to be without it two or three days, and even four, and for that reason they nursed the little ones so long to preserve them from perishing through hunger. And even if they should survive, they would be very delicate and weak. When one falls sick he is left to die in the field unless he be somebody's child. Other invalids, if unable to travel, are abandoned; but a son or brother is taken along.
There is also a custom for husbands to leave their wives if they do not agree, and to remarry whom they please; this applies to the young men, but after they have had children they stay with their women and do not leave them.
When, in any village, they quarrel among themselves, they strike and beat each other until worn out, and only then do they separate. Sometimes their women step in and separate them, but men never interfere in these brawls. Nor do they ever use bow and arrow, and after they have fought and settled the question, they take their lodges and women and go out into the field to live apart from the others till their anger is over, and when they are no longer angry and their resentment has passed away they return to the village and are as friendly again as if nothing had happened. There is no need of mediation. When the quarrel is between unmarried people they go to some of the neighbors, who, even if they be enemies, will receive them well, with great festivities and gifts of what they have, so that, when pacified, they return to their village wealthy.
They all are warriors and so astute in guarding themselves from an enemy as if trained in continuous wars and in Italy. When in places where their enemies can offend them, they set their lodges on the edge of the roughest and densest timber and dig a trench close to it in which they sleep. The men at arms are hidden by brushwood and have their loopholes, and are so well covered and concealed that even at close range they cannot be seen.
To the densest part of the forest they open a very narrow trail and there arrange a sleeping place for their women and children. As night sets in they build fires in the lodges, so that if there should be spies about, these would think the people to sleep there. And before sunrise they light the same fires again. Now, ditches, without being seen or discovered.
In case there are no forests wherein they can hide thus and prepare their ambushes, they settle on the plain wherever it appears most appropriate, surrounding the place with trenches protected by brushwood. In these they open loopholes through which they can reach the enemy with arrows, and those parapets they build for the night. While I was with the Aguenes and these not on their guard, their enemies surprised them at midnight, killing three and wounding a number, so that they fled from their houses to the forest. As soon, however, as they noticed that the others had gone they went back, picked up all the arrows the others had spent and left and followed them as stealthily as possible. That same night they reached the others' dwellings unnoticed, and at sunrise attacked, killing five, besides wounding a great many. The rest made their escape, leaving homes and bows behind, with all their other belongings.
A short time after this the women of those calling themselves Guevenes came, held a parley and made them friends again, but sometimes women are also the cause of war. All those people when they have personal questions and are not of one family, kill each other in a treacherous way and deal most cruelly with one another.
Those Indians are the readiest people with their weapons of all I have seen in the world, for when they suspect the approach of an enemy they lie awake all night with their bows within reach and a dozen of arrows, and before one goes to sleep he tries his bow, and should the string not be to his liking he arranges it until it suits him. Often they crawl out of their dwellings so as not to be seen and look and spy in every direction after danger, and if they detect anything, in less than no time are they all out in the field with their bows and arrows. Thus they remain until daybreak, running hither and thither whenever they see danger or suspect their enemies might approach. When day comes they unstring their bows until they go hunting.
The strings of their bows are made of deer sinews. They fight in a crouching posture, and while shooting at each other talk and dart from one side to the other to dodge the arrows of the foe. In this way they receive little damage from our crossbows and muskets. On the contrary, the Indians laugh at those weapons, because they are not dangerous to them on the plains over which they roam. They are only good in narrows and in swamps.
Horses are what the Indians dread most, and by means of which they will be overcome.
Whoever has to fight Indians must take great care not to let them think he is disheartened or that he covets what they own; in war they must be treated very harshly, for should they notice either fear or greed, they are the people who know how to abide their time for revenge and to take courage from the fears of their enemy. After spending all their arrows, they part, going each their own way, and without attempting pursuit, although one side might have more men than the other; such is their custom.
Many times they are shot through and through with arrows, but do not die from the wounds as long as the bowels or heart are not touched; on the contrary, they recover quickly. Their eyesight, hearing and senses in general are better, I believe, than those of any other men upon earth. They can stand, and have to stand, much hunger, thirst and cold, being more accustomed and used to it than others. This I wished to state here, since, besides that all men are curious to know the habits and devices of others, such as might come in contact with those people should be informed of their customs and deeds, which will be of no small profit to them.
I also do wish to tell of the nations and languages met with from the Island of Ill-Fate to the last ones, the Cuchendados. On the Island of Ill-Fate two languages are spoken, the ones they call Capoques, the others Han. On the mainland, facing the island, are others, called of Charruco, who take their name from the woods in which they live. Further on, along the seashore, are others, who call themselves Deguenes, and in front of them others named those of Mendica. Further on, on the coast, are the Quevenes, in front further inland the Mariames, and following the coast we come to the Guaycones, and in front of them inland the Yeguaces. After those come the Atayos, and behind them others, called Decubadaos, of whom there are a great many further on in this direction. On the coast live the Quitoles, and in front of them, inland, the Chauauares. These are joined by the Maliacones and the Cultalchulches and others called Susola and Comos, ahead on the coast are the Camolas, and further on those whom we call the people of the figs.
All those people have homes and villages and speak different languages. Among them is a language wherein they call men mira aca, arraca, and dogs xo.
In this whole country they make themselves drunk by a certain smoke for which they give all they have. They also drink something which they extract from leaves of trees, like unto water-oak, toasting them on the fire in a vessel like a low-necked bottle. When the leaves are toasted they fill the vessel with water and hold it over the fire so long until it has thrice boiled; then they pour the liquid into a bowl made of a gourd cut in twain. As soon as there is much foam on it they drink it as hot as they can stand, and from the time they take it out of the first vessel until they drink they shout, "Who wants to drink ?" When the women hear this they stand still at once, and although they carry a very heavy load do not dare to move. Should one of them stir, she is dishonored and beaten. In a great rage they spill the liquid they have prepared and spit out what they drank, easily and without pain. The reason for this custom, they say, is that when they want to drink that water and the women stir from the spot where they first hear the shouts, an evil substance gets into the liquid that penetrates their bodies, causing them to die before long. All the time the water boils the vessel must be kept covered. Should it be uncovered while a woman comes along they pour it out and do not drink of it. It is yellow and they drink it for three days without partaking of any food, each consuming an arroba and a half every day.
When the women are ill they only seek food for themselves, because nobody else eats of what they bring.
During the time I was among them I saw something very repulsive, namely, a man married to another. Such are impotent and womanish beings, who dress like women and perform the office of women, but use the bow and carry big loads. Among these Indians we saw many of them; they are more robust than the other men, taller, and can bear heavy burthens.
After parting from those we had left in tears, we went with the others to their homes and were very well received. They brought us their children to touch, and gave us much mesquite-meal. This mezquiquez is a fruit which, while on the tree, is very bitter and like the carob bean. It is eaten with earth and then becomes sweet and very palatable. The way they prepare it is to dig a hole in the ground, of the depth it suits them, and after the fruit is put in that hole, with a piece of wood, the thickness of a leg and one and a half fathoms long they pound it to a meal, and to the earth that mixes with it in the hole they add several handfuls and pound again for a while. After that they empty it into a vessel, like a small, round basket, and pour in enough water to cover it fully, so that there is water on top. Then the one who has done the pounding tastes it, and if it appears to him not sweet enough he calls for more earth to add, and this he does until it suits his taste. Then all squat around and every one reaches out with his hand and takes as much as he can. The seeds and peelings they set apart on hides, and the one who has done the pounding throws them back into the vessel, pouring water over them again. They squeeze out the juice and water, and the husks and seeds they again put on hides, repeating the operation three or four times at every pounding. Those who take part in that banquet, which is for them a great occasion, get very big bellies from the earth and water they swallow.
Now, of this, the Indians made a great feast in our behalf, and danced and celebrated all the time we were with them. And at night six Indians, to each one of us, kept watch at the entrance to the lodge we slept in, without allowing anybody to enter before sunrise.
When we were about to leave some women happened to come, that belonged to Indians living further on, and, informing ourselves where their abodes were, we left, although the Indians entreated us to remain a day longer, since the place we wanted to go to was very far away, and there was no trail to it. They showed us how the women who had just arrived were tired, but that if we would let them rest until the next day, they then would accompany and guide us. We left, nevertheless, and soon the women followed with others of the village.
There being no trails in that country, we soon lost our way. At the end of four leagues we reached a spring, and there met the women who had followed us, and who told us of all they had gone through until they fell in with us again. We went on, taking them along as guides.
In the afternoon we crossed a big river, the water being more than waist-deep. It may have been as wide as the one of Sevilla, and had a swift current. At sunset we reached a hundred Indian huts and, as we approached, the people came out to receive us, shouting frightfully, and slapping their thighs. They carried perforated gourds filled with pebbles, which are ceremonial objects of great importance. They only use them at dances, or as medicine, to cure, and nobody dares touch them but themselves. They claim that those gourds have healing virtues, and that they come from Heaven, not being found in that country; nor do they know where they come from, except that the rivers carry them down when they rise and overflow the land.
So great was their excitement and eagerness to touch us that, every one wanting to be first, they nearly squeezed us to death, and, without suffering our feet to touch the ground, carried us to their abodes. So many crowded down upon us that we took refuge in the lodges they had prepared for our accommodation, and in no manner consented to be feasted by them on that night.
The whole night they spent in celebration and dancing, and the next morning they brought us every living soul of that village to be touched by us and to have the cross made over them, as with the others. Then they gave to the women of the other village who had come with their own a great many arrows. The next day we went on, and all the people of that village with us, and when we came to other Indians were as well received as anywhere in the past; they also gave us of what they had and the deer they had killed during the day. Among these we saw a new custom. Those who were with us took away from those people who came to get cured their bows and arrows, their shoes and beads, if they wore any, and placed them before us to induce us to cure the sick. As soon as these had been treated they went away contented and saying they felt well.
So we left there also, going to others, by whom we were also very well received, and they brought us their sick, who, after we had made the sign of the cross over them, would say they were healed, and he who did not get well still believed we might cure him. And at what the others whom we had treated told they rejoiced and danced so much as not to let us sleep.
After we left those we went to many other lodges, but thence on there prevailed a new custom. While we were received very well everywhere, those who came with us would treat those who received us badly, taking away their belongings and plundering their homes, without leaving them anything. It grieved us very much to see how those who were so good to us were abused. Besides, we dreaded lest this behavior might cause trouble and strife. But as we could not venture to interfere or punish the transgressors, we had to wait until we might have more authority over them. Furthermore, the sufferers themselves, noticing how we felt, comforted us by saying we should not worry; that they were so happy at seeing us as to gladly lose their own, considering it to be well employed, and besides, that further on they would repay themselves from other Indians who were very rich. On that whole journey we were much worried by the number of people following us. We could not escape them, although we tried, because they were so anxious to touch us, and so obtrusive that in three hours we could not get through with them.
The following day they brought us all the people of the village; most of them had one eye clouded, while others were totally blind from the same cause, at which we were amazed. They are well built, of very good physique, and whiter than any we had met until then. There we began to see mountains, and it seemed as if they swept down from the direction of the North Sea, and so, from what the Indians told us, we believe they are fifteen leagues from the ocean.
From there we went with the Indians towards the mountains aforesaid, and they took us to some of their relatives. They did not want to lead us anywhere but to their own people, so as to prevent their enemies having any share in the great boon which, as they fancied, it was to see us. And as soon as we would arrive those that went with us would sack the houses of the others; but as these knew of the custom before our coming, they hid some of their chattels, and, after receiving us with much rejoicing, they took out the things which they had concealed and presented them to us. These were beads and ochre, and several little bags of silver. We, following the custom, turned the gifts immediately over to the Indians who had come in our company, and after they had given these presents they began their dances and celebrations, and sent for others from another village near by to come and look at us. In the afternoon they all came, and brought us beads, bows, and other little things, which we also distributed.
The next day, as we were going to leave, they all wanted to take us to others of their friends, who dwelt on a spur of the mountains. They said there were a great many lodges, and people who would give us much, but, as it was out of our way, we did not want to go there, and continued on the plain, though near the mountains, thinking them to be not far from the coast. All the people there are very bad, and we preferred to cross the country, as further inland they were better inclined, and treated us better. We also felt sure to find the country more thickly settled and with more resources. Finally, we did it because, in crossing the country, we would see much more of its particulars, so that, in case God our Lord should be pleased to spare one of us and take him back to a land of Christians, he might give an account of it.
When the Indians saw we were determined not to go whither they wanted, they said that nobody lived where we intended to go, neither were there tunas nor any other food, and they entreated us to tarry one day longer with them, to which we consented. Two Indians were sent out to look for people on our proposed route.
The next day we departed, taking many of them along, the women carrying water, and so great had become our authority that none dared to drink without our permission. After going two leagues we met the men sent out in search of people, but who had not found any. At this the Indians seemed to show grief, and again begged us to take the way of the mountains, but we persisted, and, seeing this, they took mournful leave of us and turned back down the river to their homes, while we proceeded along the stream upwards.
Soon we met two women carrying loads. As they descried us they stood still, put down their loads, and brought us of what these contained, which was cornmeal, and told us that higher up on the river we would meet with dwellings, plenty of tunas, and of that same meat. We left them as they were going to those from whom we had just taken leave, and walked on until at sunset we reached a village of about twenty lodges, where they received us with tears and deep sorrow. They already knew that, wherever we arrived, the people would be robbed and plundered by those in our company. But, seeing us alone, they lost their fear, and gave us tunas, though nothing else. We stayed there over night.
At daybreak the same Indians we had left the day before surprised the lodges, and, as the people were unprepared, in fancied security, and had neither time nor place to hide anything, they were stripped of all their chattels, at which they wept bitterly. In consolation, the robbers told them that we were children of the sun, and had the power to cure or kill, and other lies, bigger even than those which they invent to suit their purposes. They also enjoined them to treat us with great reverence, and be careful not to arouse our wrath; to give us all they had and guide us to where there were many people, and that wherever we should come to they should steal and rob everything the others had, such being the custom.
After giving these instructions, and teaching the people how to behave, they returned, and left us with these Indians, who, mindful of what the others had said, began to treat us with the same respect and awe, and we travelled in their company for three days. They took us to where there were many Indians, and went ahead to tell them of our coming, repeating what they had heard and adding much more to it, for all these Indians are great gossipers and liars, particularly when they think it to be to their benefit. As we neared the lodges all the inmates came out to receive us, with much rejoicing and display, and, among other things, two of their medicine-men gave us two gourds. Thence onward we carried gourds, which added greatly to our authority, since they hold these ceremonial objects very high. Our companions sacked the dwellings, but as there were many and they only few in number, they could not carry away all they took, so that more than half was left to waste. Thence we turned inland for more than fifty leagues, following the slopes of the mountains, and at the end of them met forty dwellings.
There, among other things which they gave us, Andres Dorantes got a big rattle of copper, large, on which was represented a face, and which they held in great esteem. They said it had been obtained from some of their neighbors. Upon asking these whence it had come, they claimed to have brought it from the north, where there was much of it and highly prized. We understood that, wherever it might have come from, there must be foundries, and that metal was cast in molds. Leaving on the next day, we crossed a mountain seven leagues long, the stones of which were iron slags. At night we came to many dwellings, situated on the banks of a very beautiful river.
The inmates of these abodes came to receive us halfways, with their children on their backs. They gave us a number of pouches with silver and powdered antimony (or lead), with which they paint their faces, and many beads and robes of cow-skins, and loaded those who came with us with all their chattels. These people ate tunas and pine-nuts; there are in that country small trees of the sweet pine, the cones of which are like small eggs, but the nuts are better than those of Castilla, because the husks are thin. When still green they grind them and make balls that are eaten. When dried they grind the nuts with the husks, and eat them as meal. And those who received us, as soon as they had touched our bodies, returned to their houses on a run, then came again, and never stopped running back and forth. In this way they brought us a great many things for our journey.
Here they brought to me a man who, they told, a long time ago had been shot through the left side of the back with an arrow, the head of which stuck close to his heart. He said it gave him much pain, and that on this account he was sick. I touched the region of the body and felt the arrowhead, and that it had pierced the cartilage. So, with a knife, I cut open the breast as far as the place. The arrow point had gotten athwart, and was very difficult to remove. By cutting deeper, and inserting the point of the knife, with great difficulty I got it out; it was very long. Then, with a deer-bone, according to my knowledge of surgery, I made two stitches. After I had extracted the arrow they begged me for it, and I gave it to them. The whole village came back to look at it, and they sent it further inland that the people there might see it also.
On account of this cure they made many dances and festivities, as is their custom. The next day I cut the stitches, and the Indian was well. The cut I had made only showed a scar like a line in the palm of the hand, and he said that he felt not the least pain.
Now, this cure gave us such fame among them all over the country as they were capable of conceiving and respecting. We showed them our rattle, and they told us that where it had come from there were a great many sheets of the same (metal) buried, that it was a thing they valued highly, and that there were fixed abodes at the place. We believe it to be near the South Sea, for we always heard that sea was richer (in metal) than the one of the north.
After leaving these people we traveled among so many different tribes and languages that nobody's memory can recall them all, and always they robbed each other; but those who lost and those who gained were equally content. The number of our companions became so large that we could no longer control them.
Going through these valleys each Indian carried a club three palms in length. They all moved in a front, and whenever a hare (of which there are many) jumped up they closed in upon the game, and rained such blows upon it that it was amazing to see. Thus they drove the hare from one to the other, and, to my fancy, it was the most agreeable chase that could be thought of, for many a time they would come right to one's hands; and when at night we camped they had given us so many that each one of us had eight or ten loads. Those of the Indians who carried bows would not take part, but went to the mountains after deer, and when at night they came back it was with five or six deer for each one of us, with birds, quails, and other game; in short, all those people could kill they set before us, without ever daring to touch anything, even if dying of hunger, unless we blessed it first. Such was their custom from the time they joined us.
The women brought many mats, with which they built us houses, one for each of us and those attached to him. After this we would order them to broil all the game, and they did it quickly in ovens built by them for the purpose. We partook of everything a little, giving the rest to the principal man among those who had come with us for distribution among all. Every one then came with the share he had received for us to breathe on it and bless it, without which they left it untouched. Often we had with us three to four thousand persons. And it was very tiresome to have to breathe on and make the sign of the cross over every morsel they ate or drank. For many other things which they wanted to do they would come to ask our permission, so that it is easy to realize how greatly we were bothered. The women brought us tunas, spiders, worms, and whatever else they could find, for they would rather starve than partake of anything that had not first passed through our hands.
While traveling with those, we crossed a big river coming from the north and, traversing about thirty leagues of plains, met a number of people that came from afar to meet us on the trail, who treated us like the foregoing ones.
Thence on there was a change in the manner of reception, insofar as those who would meet us on the trail with gifts were no longer robbed by the Indians of our company, but after we had entered their homes they tendered us all they possessed, and the dwellings also. We turned over everything to the principals for distribution. Invariably those who had been deprived of their belongings would follow us, in order to repair their losses, so that our retinue became very large. They would tell them to be careful and not conceal anything of what they owned, as it could not be done without our knowledge, and then we would cause their death. So much did they frighten them that on the first few days after joining us they would be trembling all the time, and would not dare to speak or lift their eyes to Heaven.
Those guided us for more than fifty leagues through a desert of very rugged mountains, and so arid that there was no game. Consequently we suffered much from lack of food., and finally forded a very big river, with its water reaching to our chest. Thence on many of our people began to show the effects of the hunger and hardships they had undergone in those mountains, which were extremely barren and tiresome to travel.
The same Indians led us to a plain beyond the chain of mountains, where people came to meet us from a long distance. By those we were treated in the same manner as before, and they made so many presents to the Indians who came with us that, unable to carry all, they left half of it. We told the givers to take it back, so as not to have it lost, but they refused, saying it was not their custom to take back what they had once offered, and so it was left to waste. We told these people our route was towards sunset, and they replied that in that direction people lived very far away. So we ordered them to send there and inform the inhabitants that we were coming and how. From this they begged to be excused, because the others were their enemies, and they did not want us to go to them. Yet they did not venture to disobey in the end, and sent two women, one of their own and the other a captive. They selected women because these can trade everywhere, even if there be war.
We followed the women to a place where it had been agreed we should wait for them. After five days they had not yet returned, and the Indians explained that it might be because they had not found anybody. So we told them to take us north, and they repeated that there were no people, except very far away, and neither food nor water. Nevertheless we insisted, saying that we wanted to go there, and they still excused themselves as best they could, until at last we became angry.
One night I went away to sleep out in the field apart from them; but they soon came to where I was, and remained awake all night in great alarm, talking to me, saying how frightened they were. They entreated us not to be angry any longer, because, even if it was their death, they would take us where we chose. We feigned to be angry still, so as to keep them in suspense, and then a singular thing happened.
On that same day many fell sick, and on the next day eight of them died! All over the country, where it was known, they became so afraid that it seemed as if the mere sight of us would kill them. They besought us not to be angry nor to procure the death of any more of their number, for they were convinced that we killed them by merely thinking of it. In truth, we were very much concerned about it, for, seeing the great mortality, we dreaded that all of them might die or forsake us in their terror, while those further on, upon learning of it, would get out of our way hereafter. We prayed to God our Lord to assist us, and the sick began to get well. Then we saw something that astonished us very much, and it was that, while the parents, brothers and wives of the dead had shown deep grief at their illness, from the moment they died the survivors made no demonstration whatsoever, and showed not the slightest feeling; nor did they dare to go near the bodies until we ordered their burial.
In more than fifteen days that we remained with them we never saw them talk together, neither did we see a child that laughed or cried. One child, who had begun to cry, was carried off some distance, and with some very sharp mice-teeth they scratched it from the shoulders down to nearly the legs. Angered by this act of cruelty, I took them to task for it, and they said it was done to punish the child for having wept in my presence. Their apprehensions caused the others that came to see us to give us what they had, since they knew that we did not take anything for ourselves, but left it all to the Indians.
Those were the most docile people we met in the country, of the best complexion, and on the whole well built.
The sick being on the way of recovery, when we had been there already three days, the women whom we had sent out returned, saying that they had met very few people, nearly all having gone after the cows, as it was the season. So we ordered those who had been sick to remain, and those who were well to accompany us, and that, two days' travel from there, the same women should go with us and get people to come to meet us on the trail for our reception.
The next morning all those who were strong enough came along, and at the end of three journeys we halted. Alonso del Castillo and Estevanico, the negro, left with the women as guides, and the woman who was a captive took them to a river that flows between mountains, where there was a village, in which her father lived, and these were the first abodes we saw that were like unto real houses. Castillo and Estevanico went to these and, after holding parley with the Indians, at the end of three days Castillo returned to where he had left us, bringing with him five or six of the Indians. He told how he had found permanent houses, inhabited, the people of which ate beans and squashes, and that he had also seen maize.
Of all things upon earth this caused us the greatest pleasure, and we gave endless thanks to our Lord for this news. Castillo said that the negro was coming to meet us on the way, near by, with all the people of the houses. For that reason we started, and after going a league and a half met the negro and the people that came to receive us, who gave us beans and many squashes to eat, gourds to carry water in, robes of cowhide, and other things. As those people and the Indians of our company were enemies, and did not understand each other, we took leave of the latter, leaving them all that had been given to us, while we went on with the former and, six leagues beyond, when night was already approaching, reached their houses, where they received us with great ceremonies. Here we remained one day, and left on the next, taking them with us to other permanent houses, where they subsisted on the same food also, and thence on we found a new custom.
The people who heard of our approach did not, as before, come out to meet us on the way, but we found them at their homes, and they had other houses ready for us. They were all seated with their faces turned to the wall, the heads bowed and the hair pulled over the eyes. Their belongings had been gathered in a heap in the middle of the floor, and thence on they began to give us many robes of skins. There was nothing they would not give us. They are the best formed people we have seen, the liveliest and most capable; who best understood us and answered our questions. We called them "of the cows," because most of the cows die near therein and because for more than fifty leagues up that stream they go to kill many of them. Those people go completely naked, after the manner of the first we met. The women are covered with deer-skins, also some men, especially the old ones, who are of no use any more in war.
The country is well settled. We asked them why they did not raise maize, and they replied that they were afraid of losing the crops, since for two successive years it had not rained, and the seasons were so dry that the moles had eaten the corn, so that they did not dare to plant any more until it should have rained very hard. And they also begged us to ask Heaven for rain, which we promised to do. We also wanted to know from where they brought their maize, and they said it came from where the sun sets, and that it was found all over that country, and the shortest way to it was in that direction. We asked them to tell us how to go, as they did not want to go themselves, to tell us about the way.
They said we should travel up the river towards the north, on which trail for seventeen days we would not find a thing to eat except a fruit called chacan, which they grind between stones; but even then it cannot be eaten, being so coarse and dry; and so it was, for they showed it to us and we could not eat it. But they also said that, going upstream, we would always travel among people who were their enemies, although speaking the same language, and who could give us no food, but would receive us very willingly, and give us many cotton blankets, hides and other things; but that it seemed to them that we ought not to take that road.
In doubt as to what should be done, and which was the best and most advantageous road to take, we remained with them for two days. They gave us beans, squashes and calabashes. Their way of cooking them is so new and strange that I felt like describing it here, in order to show how different and queer are the devices and industries of human beings. They have no pots. In order to cook their food they fill a middle-sized gourd with water, and place into a fire such stones as easily become heated, and when they are hot to scorch they take them out with wooden tongs, thrusting them into the water of the gourd, until it boils. As soon as it boils they put into it what they want to cook, always taking out the stones as they cool off and throwing in hot ones to keep the water steadily boiling. This is their way of cooking.
After two days were past we determined to go in search of maize, and not to follow the road to the cows, since the latter carried us to the north, which meant a very great circuit, as we held it always certain that by going towards sunset we should reach the goal of our wishes.
So we went on our way and traversed the whole country to the South Sea, and our resolution was not shaken by the fear of great starvation, which the Indians said we should suffer (and indeed suffered) during the first seventeen days of travel. All along the river, and in the course of these seventeen days we received plenty of cowhides, and did not eat of their famous fruit (chacan) but our food consisted (for each day) of a handful of deer-tallow, which for that purpose we always sought to keep, and so endured these seventeen days, at the end of which we crossed the river and marched for seventeen days more. At sunset, on a plain between very high mountains, we met people who, for one-third of the year, eat but powdered straw, and as we went by just at that time, had to eat it also, until, at the end of that journey we found some permanent houses, with plenty of harvested maize, of which and of its meal they gave us great quantities, also squashes and beans, and blankets of cotton, with all of which we loaded those who had conducted us thither, so that they went home the most contented people upon earth. We gave God our Lord many thanks for having taken us where there was plenty to eat.
Among the houses there were several made of earth, and others of cane matting; and from here we travelled more than a hundred leagues, always meeting permanent houses and a great stock of maize and beans, and they gave us many deer (-hides?) and blankets of cotton better than those of New Spain. They also gave us plenty of beads made out of the coral found in the South Sea; many good turquoises, which they get from the north; they finally gave us all they had; and Dorantes they presented with five emeralds, shaped as arrow-points, which arrows they use in their feasts and dances. As they appeared to be of very good quality, I asked whence they got them from, and they said it was from some very high mountains toward the north, where they traded for them with feather-bushes and parrot-plumes, and they said also that there were villages with many people and very big houses.
Among those people we found the women better treated than in any other part of the Indies as far as we have seen. They wear skirts of cotton that reach as far as the knee, and over them half-sleeves of scraped deerskin, with strips that hang down to the ground, and which they clean with certain roots, that clean very well and thus keep them tidy. The shirts are open in front and tied with strings; they wear shoes.
All those people came to us that we might touch and cross them; and they were so obtrusive as to make it difficult to endure since all, sick and healthy, wanted to be crossed. It happened frequently that women of our company would give birth to children and forthwith bring them to have the sign of the cross made over them and the babes be touched by us. They always accompanied us until we were again in the care of others, and all those people believed that we came from Heaven. What they do not understand or is new to them they are wont to say it comes from above.
While traveling with these we used to go the whole day without food, until night, and then we would eat so little that the Indians were amazed. They never saw us tired, because we were, in reality, so inured to hardships as not to feel them any more. We exercised great authority over them, and carried ourselves with much gravity, and, in order to maintain it, spoke very little to them. It was the negro who talked to them all the time; he inquired about the road we should follow, the villages- in short, about everything we wished to know. We came across a great variety and number of languages, and God our Lord favored us with a knowledge of all, because they always could understand us and we understood them, so that when we asked they would answer by signs, as if they spoke our tongue and we theirs; for, although we spoke six languages, not everywhere could we use them, since we found more than a thousand different ones. In that part of the country those who were at war would at once make peace and become friendly to each other, in order to meet us and bring us all they possessed; and thus we left the whole country at peace.
We told them, by signs which they understood, that in Heaven there was a man called God, by us, who had created Heaven and earth, and whom we worshipped as our Lord; that we did as he ordered us to do, all good things coming from his hand, and that if they were to do the same they would become very happy; and so well were they inclined that, had there been a language in which we could have made ourselves perfectly understood, we would have left them all Christians. All this we gave them to understand as clearly as possible, and since then, when the sun rose, with great shouting they would lift their clasped hands to Heaven and then pass them all over their body. The same they did at sunset. They are well conditioned people, apt to follow any line which is well traced for them.
In the village where they had given us the emeralds, they also gave Dorantes over six hundred hearts of deer, opened, of which they kept always a great store for eating. For this reason we gave to their settlement the name of "village of the hearts." Through it leads the pass into many provinces near the South Sea, and any one who should attempt to get there by another route must surely be lost, as there is no maize on the coast, and they eat powdered fox-tail grass, straw, and fish, which they catch in the sea in rafts, for they have no canoes. The women cover their loins with straw and grass. They are a very shy and surly people.
We believe that, near the coast, in a line with the villages which we followed, there are more than a thousand leagues of inhabited land, where they have plenty of victuals, since they raise three crops of beans and maize in the year. There are three kinds of deer, one kind as large as calves are in Castilla. The houses in which they live are huts. They have a poison, from certain trees of the size of our apple trees. They need but pick the fruit and rub their arrows with it; and if there is no fruit they take a branch and with its milky sap do the same. Many of those trees are so poisonous that if the leaves are pounded and washed in water near by, the deer, or any other animal that drinks of it burst at once. In this village we stayed three days, and at a day's journey from it was another one, where such a rain overtook us that, as the river rose high, we could not cross it, and remained there fifteen days.
During this time Castillo saw, on the neck of an Indian, a little buckle from a swordbelt, and in it was sewed a horseshoe nail. He took it from the Indian, and we asked what it was; they said it had come from Heaven. We further asked who had brought it, and they answered that some men, with beards like ours, had come from Heaven to that river; that they had horses, lances and swords, and had lanced two of them.
As cautiously as possible, we then inquired what had become of those men; and they replied they had gone to sea, putting their lances into the water and going into it themselves, and that afterwards they saw them on top of the waves moving towards sunset.
We gave God our Lord many thanks for what we had heard, for we were despairing to ever hear of Christians again. On the other hand, we were in great sorrow and much dejected, lest those people had come by sea for the sake of discovery only. Finally, having such positive notice of them, we hastened onward, always finding more traces of the Christians, and we told the Indians that we were now sure to find the Christians, and would tell them not to kill Indians or make them slaves, nor take them out of their country, or do any other harm, and of that they were very glad.
We travelled over a great part of the country, and found it all deserted, as the people had fled to the mountains, leaving houses and fields out of fear of the Christians. This filled our hearts with sorrow, seeing the land so fertile and beautiful, so full of water and streams, but abandoned and the places burned down, and the people, so thin and wan, fleeing and hiding; and as they did not raise any crops their destitution had become so great that they ate tree-bark and roots. Of this distress we had our share all the way along, because they could provide little for us in their indigence, and it looked as if they were going to die. They brought us blankets, which they had been concealing from the Christians, and gave them to us, and told us how the Christians had penetrated into the country before, and had destroyed and burnt the villages, taking with them half of the men and all the women and children, and how those who could escaped by flight. Seeing them in this plight, afraid to stay anywhere, and that they neither would nor could cultivate the soil, preferring to die rather than suffer such cruelties, while they showed the greatest pleasure at being with us, we began to apprehend that the Indians who were in arms against the Christians might ill-treat us in retaliation for what the Christians did to them. But when it pleased God our Lord to take us to those Indians, they respected us and held us precious, as the former had done, and even a little more, at which we were not a little astonished, while it clearly shows how, in order to bring those people to Christianity and obedience unto Your Imperial Majesty, they should be well treated, and not otherwise.
They took us to a village on the crest of a mountain, which can be reached only by a very steep trail, where we found a great many people, who had gathered there out of dread of the Christians. These received us very well, giving us all they had: over two thousand loads of maize, which we distributed among the poor, famished people who had led us to the place. The next day we dispatched (as we were wont to do) four runners, to call together as many as could be reached, to a village three journeys away; and on the next day we followed with all the people that were at the place, always meeting with signs and vestiges where the Christians had slept.
At noon we met our messengers, who told us they had not found anybody, because all were hidden in the woods, lest the Christians might kill or enslave them; also that, on the night before, they had seen the Christians and watched their movements, under cover of some trees, behind which they concealed themselves, and saw the Christians take many Indians along in chains. At this the people who were with us became frightened, and some turned back to give the alarm through the land that Christians were coming, and many more would have done the same had we not told them to stay and have no fear, at which they quieted down and were comforted. We had Indians with us at the time who came from a distance of a hundred leagues, and whom we could not induce to go back to their homes. So, in order to reassure them, we slept there that night and the next day went further, and slept on the road; and the day after those we had sent to explore guided us to where they had seen the Christians. Reaching the place in the evening, we clearly saw they had told the truth, and also, from the stakes to which the horses had been tied, that there were horsemen among them.
From here, which is called the river of Petutan, to the river which Diego de Guzman reached, there may be, from the place where we first heard of the Christians, eighty leagues; then to the village where the rain overtook us, twelve leagues; and from there to the South Sea twelve leagues. Throughout all that country, wherever it is mountainous, we saw many signs of gold, antimony, iron, copper and other metals. Where the permanent houses are it is so hot that even in January the air is very warm. From there to the southward the land, which is uninhabited as far as the Sea of the North, is very barren and poor. There we suffered great and almost incredible starvation; and those who roam through that country and dwell in it are very cruel people, of evil inclinations and habits. The Indians who live in permanent houses and those in the rear of them pay not attention to gold nor silver, nor have they any use for either of these metals.
Having seen positive traces of Christians and become satisfied they were very near, we gave many thanks to our Lord for redeeming us from our sad and gloomy condition. Any one can imagine our delight when he reflects how long we had been in that land, and how many dangers and hardships we had suffered. That night I entreated one of my companions to go after the Christians, who were moving through the part of the country pacified and quieted by us, and who were three days ahead of where we were. They did not like my suggestion, and excused themselves from going, on the ground of being tired and worn out, although any of them might have done it far better than I, being younger and stronger.
Seeing their reluctance, in the morning I took with me the negro and eleven Indians and, following the trail, went in search of the Christians. On that day we made ten leagues, passing three places where they had slept. The next morning I came upon four Christians on horseback, who, seeing me in such a strange attire, and in company with Indians, were greatly startled. They stared at me for quite a while, speechless; so great was their surprise that they could not find words to ask me anything. I spoke first, and told them to lead me to their captain, and we went together to Diego de Alcaraza, their commander.
After I had addressed him he said that he was himself in a plight, as for many days he had been unable to capture Indians, and did not know where to go, also that starvation was beginning to place them in great distress. I stated to him that, in the rear of me, at a distance of ten leagues, were Dorantes and Castillo, with many people who had guided us through the country. He at once dispatched three horsemen, with fifty of his Indians, and the negro went with them as guide, while I remained and asked them to give me a certified statement of the date &emdash; year, month and day &emdash; when I had met them, also the condition in which I had come, with which request they complied.
From this river to the village called San Miguel, which pertains to the government called New Galicia, there are thirty leagues.
Five days later Andres Dorantes and Alonso del Castillo came with those who had gone in quest of them. They brought along more than six hundred Indians, from the village, the people of which the Christians had caused to flee to the woods, and who were in hiding about the country. Those who had come with us as far as that place had taken them our of their places of concealment, turning them over to the Christians. They had also dispatched the others who had come that far.
When they arrived at where I was Alcaraz begged me to send for the people of the villages along the banks of the river, who were hiding in the timber,, and he also requested me to order them to fetch supplies. There was not occasion for the latter as the Indians always took good care to bring us whatever they could; nevertheless, we sent our messengers at once to call them, and six hundred persons came with all the maize they had, in pots closed with clay, which they had buried for concealment. They also brought nearly everything else they possessed, but we only took of the food, giving the rest to the Christians for distribution among themselves.
Thereupon we had many and bitter quarrels with the Christians, for they wanted to make slaves of our Indians, and we grew so angry at it that at our departure we forgot to take along many bows, pouches and arrows, also the five emeralds, and so they were left and lost to us. We gave the Christians a great many cow-skin robes, and other objects, and had much trouble in persuading the Indians to return home and plant their crops in peace. They insisted upon accompanying us until, according to their custom, we should be in the custody of other Indians, because otherwise they were afraid to die; besides, as long as we were with them, they had no fear of the Christians and of their lances. At all this the Christians were greatly vexed, and told their own interpreter to say to the Indians how we were of their own race, but had gone astray for a long while, and were people of no luck and little heart, whereas they were the lords of the land, whom they should obey and serve.
The Indians gave all that talk of theirs little attention. They parleyed among themselves, saying that the Christians lied, for we had come from sunrise, while the others came from where the sun sets; that we cured the sick, while the others killed those who were healthy; that we went naked and shoeless, whereas the others wore clothes and went on horseback and with lances. Also, that we asked for nothing, but gave away all we were presented with, meanwhile the others seemed to have no other aim than to steal what they could, and never gave anything to anybody. In short, they recalled all our deeds, and praised them highly, contrasting them with the conduct of the others.
This they told the interpreter of the Christians, and made understood to the others by means of a language they have among them, and by which we understood each other. We call those who use that language properly Primahaitu, which means the same as saying Bizcayans. For more than four hundred leagues of those we travelled, we found this language in use, and the only one among them over that extent of country. Finally, we never could convince the Indians that we belonged to the other Christians, and only with much trouble and insistency could we prevail upon them to go home.
We recommended to them to rest easy and settle again in their villages, tilling and planting their fields as usual, which, from lying waste, were overgrown with shrubbery, while it is beyond all doubt the best land in these Indies, the most fertile and productive of food, where they raise three crops every year. It has an abundance of fruit, very handsome rivers, and other waters of good virtues. There are many evidences and traces of gold and silver; the inhabitants are well conditioned, and willingly attend to the Christians, that is, those of the natives that are friendly. They are much better inclined than the natives of Mexico; in short, it is a country that lacks nothing to make it very good. When the Indians took leave of us they said they would do as we had told them, and settle in their villages, provided the Christians would not interfere, and so I say and affirm that, if they should not do it, it will be the fault of the Christians.
After we had dispatched the Indians in peace, and with thanks for what they had gone through with and for us, the Christians (out of mistrust) sent us to a certain Alcalde Cebreros, who had with him two other men. He took us through forests and uninhabited country in order to prevent our communicating with the Indians, in reality, also, to prevent us from seeing or hearing what the Christians were carrying on.
This clearly shows how the designs of men sometimes miscarry. We went on with the idea of insuring the liberty of the Indians, and, when we believed it to be assured, the opposite took place. The Spaniards had planned to fall upon those Indians we had sent back in fancied security and in peace, and that plan they carried out.
They took us through the timber for two days, with no trail, bewildered and without water, so we all expected to die from thirst. Seven of our men perished, and many friends whom the Christians had taken along could not reach before noon the following day the place, where we found water that same night. We travelled with them twenty-five leagues, more or less, and at last came to a settlement of peaceable Indians. There the Alcalde left us and went ahead, three leagues further, to a place called Culiacan, where Melchior Diaz was chief Alcalde and the captain of the province.
As soon as the chief Alcalde became informed of our arrival, on the same night he came to where we were. He was deeply moved, and praised God for having delivered us in His great pity. He spoke to us and treated us very well, tendering us, in his name, and in behalf of the Governor, Nuño de Guzman, all he had and whatever he might be able to do. He appeared much grieved at the bad reception and evil treatment we had met at the hands of Alcaraz and the others, and we verily believe that, had he been there at the time, the things done to us and the Indians would not have occurred.
Passing the night there, we were about to leave in the morning of the next day, but the chief Alcalde entreated us to stay. He said that by remaining we would render a great service to God and Your Majesty, as the country was depopulated, lying waste, and well nigh destroyed. That the Indians were hiding in the woods, refusing to come out and settle again in their villages. He suggested that we should have them sent for, and urge them, in the name of God and of Your Majesty, to return to the plain and cultivate the soil again.
This struck us as difficult of execution. We had none of our Indians with us, nor any of those who usually accompanied us and understood such matters. At last we ventured to select two Indians from among those held there as captives, and who were from that part of the country. These had been with the Christians whom we first met, and had seen the people that came in our company, and knew, through the latter, of the great power and authority we exercised all through the land, the miracles we had worked, the cures we had performed, and many other particulars. With these Indians we sent others from the village, to jointly call those who had taken refuge in the mountains, as well as those from the river of Petlatlan, where we had met the Christians first, and tell them to come, as we wished to talk to them. In order to insure their coming, we gave the messengers one of the large gourds we had carried in our hands (which were our chief insignia and tokens of great power.)
Thus provided and instructed, they left and were absent seven days. They came back, and with them three chiefs of those who had been in the mountains, and with these were fifteen men. The presented us with beads, turquoises, and feathers, and the messengers said the people from the river whence we had started could not be found, as the Christians had again driven them into the wilderness.
Melchior Diaz told the interpreter to speak to the Indians in our name and say that he came in the name of God, Who is in heaven, and that we had travelled the world over for many years, telling all the people we met to believe in God and serve Him, for He was the Lord of everything upon earth, Who rewarded the good, whereas to the bad ones He meted out eternal punishment of fire. That when the good ones died He took them up to heaven, where all lived forever and there was neither hunger nor thirst, nor any other wants &emdash; only the greatest imaginable glory. But that those who would not believe in Him nor obey His commandments he thrust into a huge fire beneath the earth and into the company of demons, where the fire never went out, but tormented them forever. Moreover, he said that if they became Christians and served God in the manner we directed, the Christians would look upon them as brethren and treat them very well, while we would command that no harm should be done to them; neither should they be taken out of their country, and the Christians would become their great friends. If they refused to do so, then the Christians would ill treat them and carry them away into slavery.
To this they replied through the interpreter that they would be very good Christians and serve God.
Upon being asked whom they worshipped and to whom they offered sacrifices, to whom they prayed for health and water for the fields, they said, to a man in Heaven. We asked what was his name, and they said Aguar, and that they believed he had created the world and everything in it.
We again asked how they came to know this, and they said their fathers and grandfathers had told them, and they had known it for a very long time; that water and all good things came from him. We explained that this being of whom they spoke was the same we called God, and that thereafter they should give Him that name and worship and serve Him as we commanded, when they would fare very well.
They replied that they understood us thoroughly and would do as we had told.
So we bade them come out of the mountains and be at ease, peaceable, and settle the land again, rebuilding their houses. Among these houses they should rear one to God, placing at its entrance a cross like the one we had, and when Christians came, they should go out to receive them with crosses in their hands, in place of bows and other weapons, and take the Christians to their homes, giving them to eat of what they had. If they did so, the Christians would do them no harm, but be their friends.
The promised to do as we ordered, and the captain gave them blankets, treating them handsomely, and they went away, taking along the two captives that had acted as our messengers.
This took place in presence of a scribe (notary) and of a great many witnesses.
As soon as the Indians had left for their homes and the people of that province got news of what had taken place with us, they, being friends of the Christians, came to see us, bringing beads and feathers. We ordered them to build churches and put crosses in them, which until then they had not done. We also sent for the children of the chiefs to be baptized, and then the captain pledged himself before God not to make any raid, or allow any to be made, or slaves captured from the people and in the country we had set at peace again. This vow he promised to keep and fulfill so long until His Majesty and the Governor, Nuño de Guzman, or the Viceroy, in his name, would ordain something else better adapted to the service of God and of His Majesty.
After baptizing the children we left for the village of San Miguel, where, on our arrival, Indians came and told how many people were coming down from the mountains, settling on the plain, building churches and erecting crosses; in short, complying with what we had sent them word to do. Day after day we were getting news of how all was being done and completed.
Fifteen days after our arrival Alcaraz came in with the Christians who had been raiding, and they told the captain how the Indians had descended from the mountains and settled on the plains; also that villages formerly deserted were not well populated, and how the Indians had come out to receive them with crosses in their hands, had taken them to their houses, giving them of what they had, and how they slept the night there. Amazed at these changes and at the sayings of the Indians who said they felt secure, he ordered that no harm be done to them, and with this they departed. May God in his infinite mercy grant that in the days of Your Majesty and under your power and sway, these people become willingly and sincerely subjects of the true Lord Who created and redeemed them. We believe they will be, and that your Majesty is destined to bring it about, as it will not be at all difficult.
For two thousand leagues did we travel, on land, and by sea in barges, besides ten months more after our rescue from captivity; untiringly did we walk across the land, but nowhere did we meet either sacrifices or idolatry. During all that time we crossed from one ocean to the other, and from what we very carefully ascertained there may be, from one coast to the other and across the greatest width, two hundred leagues. We heard that on the shores of the South there are pearls and great wealth, and that the richest and best is near there.
At the village of San Miguel we remained until after the fifteenth of May, because from there to the town of Compostela, where the Governor, Nuño de Guzman, resided, there are one hundred leagues of deserted country threatened by hostiles, and we had to take an escort along. There went with us twenty horsemen, accompanying us as many as forty leagues; afterwards we had with us six Christians, who escorted five hundred Indian captives. When we reached Compostela, the Governor received us very well, giving us of what he had, for us to dress in; but for many days I could bear no clothing, nor could we sleep, except on the bare floor. Ten or twelve days later we left for Mexico. On the whole trip we were well treated by the Christians; many came to see us on the road, praising God for having freed us from so many dangers. We reached Mexico on Sunday, the day before the vespers of Saint James, and were very well received by the Viceroy and the Marquis of the Valley, who presented us with clothing, offering all they had. On the day of Saint James there was a festival, with bull-fight and tournament.
After taking two months' rest at Mexico I desired to come over to this realm, but when ready to sail in October, a storm wrecked the vessel and it was lost. So I determined to wait until winter would be over, as in these parts navigation is then very dangerous on account of storms.
When winter was past, Andres Dorantes and I left Mexico, during Lent, for Vera Cruz, to take a ship there, but had again to wait for favorable winds until Palm Sunday. We embarked and were on board more than fifteen days, unable to leave on account of a calm, and the vessel began to fill with water. I took passage on one of the ships which were in condition to leave, while Dorantes remained on the first one, and on the tenth day of the month three craft left port.
We navigated together for one hundred and fifty leagues; afterwards two of the ships dropped behind, and in the course of a night we lost track of them. It seems that, as we found out later, their pilots and skippers did not venture any further, and returned to port without giving us any warning; neither did we hear any more from them. So we kept on, and on the fourth of May reached the port of Habana, on the second of June, still hoping for the other two vessels to arrive. Then we left.
We were afraid of falling in with French craft that only a few days before had captured three of ours.
At the altitude of the Island of Bermuda a storm overtook us, as is quite usual in those parts, according to the people who are wont to travel in them, and for a whole night we considered ourselves lost. But it pleased God that, when morning came, the storm abated and we could proceed on our way. Twenty-nine days after sailing from Habana we had made eleven hundred leagues, said to be the distance from it to the settlement of the Azores, and the next day we passed the island called of the raven, and met with a French vessel at noon. She began to follow us, having with her a caravel taken from the Portuguese, and gave us chase. That same evening we saw nine more sail, but at such a distance that we could not distinguish whether they were of the same nation as our pursuer, or Portuguese. At nightfall the Frenchman was but a cannon-shot from our ship, and as soon as it was dark we changed our course so as to get away from him. As he was close upon us he saw our maneuver and did the same, and this happened three or four times.
The Frenchman could have taken us then, but he preferred to wait until daylight. It pleased God that, when morning came, we found ourselves, as well as the French ship, surrounded by the nine craft we had seen the evening before, and which turned out to belong to the Portuguese navy. I thank Our Lord for having allowed me to escape from peril on land and sea.
When the French saw it was the fleet of Portugal they released the caravel, which was filled with negroes. They had taken it along in order to make us believe they were Portuguese and to induce us to expect them. On separating from the caravel the Frenchman told the skipper and pilot we were French also, belonging to their own navy; then they put into their vessel sixty oarsmen, and thus, by oar and sail, went away with incredible swiftness.
The caravel then approached the galley warning its captain that both our vessel and the other were French, so that when we came up to the galley and the squadron saw it, believing us to be French, they cleared for action and came to attack us. But when we were near enough to them we saluted, and they saw we were friends. They had been deceived, suffering the privateer to escape by means of his strategy in telling that we were also French. Four caravels went in pursuit of him. Having come up with the galley and presented our respects, the captain, Diego de Silveira, asked where we came from and what we had on board. We told him from New Spain, and that we carried silver and gold. He inquired how much it might be, and the skipper informed him that we had about three hundred thousand Castellanos. Thereupon the captain exclaimed: "Faith, you come back very rich, although you have a bad craft and miserable artillery. That dog of a French renegade has lost a fat morsel, the bastard! Now, go ahead, since you escaped; follow me closely, and, God helping, I shall lead you back to Spain."
The caravels that had gone in pursuit of the French soon returned because the latter sailed too fast for them and they did not want to leave their squadron, which was escorting three ships loaded with spices.
We reached the Island of Tercera, where we rested fifteen days and took in supplies, also waiting for another ship from India, with the same kind of cargo as the three our fleet was escorting. At the end of the fifteen days we sailed, all together, for the port of Lisbon, where we arrived on the ninth of August, vespers of Saint Laurentius day, of the year 1537.
And, in testimony of, that what I have stated in the foregoing narrative is true, I hereunto sign my name:
Cabeza de Vaca
Πέδρο δε Κάνδια
Πέτρος ο Κρής
Στα ισπανικά αρχεία ονομάζεται El Griego. Pedro de Candia υπηρέτησε στο ισπανικό στρατό ως κοντοτιέρος και πολέμησε τους Τούρκους σε πολλά μέρη της Μεσογείου θάλασσας και συμμετείχε, επίσης, σε διάφορες μάχες στην Ιταλία. Αργότερα παντρεύτηκε την κόρη ενός Δούκα στην Ισπανία στο Villapando, οι απόγονοί του έγιναν μέλη της ισπανικής και της ιταλικής αριστοκρατίας. Το 1526 ακολούθησε τον Pedro de los Rios στον Παναμά (επίσης γνωστό ως Tierra Firme). Το 1527 εντάχθηκε στο εκστρατεία του Francisco Pizarro και του Diego de Almagro, οι οποίοι πήγαν για να εξερευνήσουν τα εδάφη νότια του Παναμά.
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Ο πανύψηλος γαλανομάτης Πέτρος ο Κρής
Ο Francisco Pizarro έστειλε τον Πέτρο της (εκ) Κρήτης -Pedro de Candia για να εξερευνήσετε την πόλη της Tumbes. Ο Έλληνας Conquistador μπήκε μόνος του στην πόλη των Ίνκας, οι Ινδιάνοι ήταν έκπληκτοι από την εμφάνιση του Πέτρου -Pedro de Candia,- όπου ο ίδιος φορούσε μια αστραφτερή πανοπλία και ήταν πολύ ψηλός και με λευκό δέρμα , είχε μπλε μάτια και μαύρα μαλλιά και γένια (Στην πραγματικότητα ο Πέτρος - Pedro de Candia- ήταν ο ψηλότερος άνθρωπος μεταξύ των Ισπανών). Στη συνέχεια τον έφεραν μπροστά στον κυβερνήτη των Inca που ήταν πολύ περίεργος για το αρκεβούζιο του και τον προκάλεσε να αποδείξει τις δυνάμεις του. Ο Πέτρος -Pedro de Candia, στη συνέχεια,πυροβόλησε με στόχο μια ξύλινη πινακίδα που μετά τον πυροβολισμό πλέον είχε εντελώς καταστραφεί. Από τη στιγμή που ο ήχος του όπλου ακούστηκε κάποιοι Ινδιάνοι ούρλιαζαν και άλλοι έπεσαν στο έδαφος τρομοκρατημένοι. Ο κυβερνήτης των Inca στη συνέχεια διέταξε να φέρουν τα άγρια θηρία (προφανώς Ιαγουάρους -Jaguars) για να δούνε τι θα κάνει ο Πέτρος Pedro de Candia. Pedro και αυτός στη συνέχεια πυροβόλησε και πάλι με το αρκεβούζιο του και τα άγρια θηρία τον πλησίασαν και στάθηκαν ήρεμα στο πλευρό του. Ο κυβερνήτης της Τούμπα στη συνέχεια του είπε ότι κατέχει τον κεραυνό του Ουρανού και έκανε μια προσφορά για τον ίδιο, μια προσφορά που γίνεται μόνο στους θεούς και κυρίως στον Illapa που είναι ο θεός του κεραυνού! Στη συνέχεια, οι παρθένες ιέρειες του θεού του Ήλιου, τον συνόδευσαν στον ναό του Ήλιου της Tumbes. Στην πόλη ο Πέτρος από την Κρήτη -Κάντια παρατηρήσει χρυσά και ασημένια φύλλα και κοσμήματα απροστάτευτα και δημόσια σε κοινή θέα. Το χρυσό ή το ασήμι για τους Ινδιάνους ήταν άνευ σημασίας. Όταν ο Πέτρος επέστρεψε στους Ισπανούς ανέφερε όλα όσα είχε δει στην πόλη και την έκθεσή του, ειδικά για το χρυσό και το ασήμι, στοιχεία που γεμίζουν τους Ισπανούς με ενθουσιασμό. Ο Pedro de Candia επέστρεψε στην Ισπανία το 1528-1529 και ανακηρύχθηκε αριστοκράτης, διοικητής του πυροβολικού του Ισπανικού στρατού στο Περού και διορίστηκε ως δήμαρχος της Tumbes.
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Ο Πέδρο δε Κάνδια (Pedro de Candia, Ηράκλειο, Κρήτη, 1485 - Τσούπας, Περού, 16 Σεπτεμβρίου 1542) ήταν στρατιώτης ειδικευμένος στα πυροβόλα όπλα και στα κανόνια. Πιθανότατα καταγόταν από την Κρήτη (Χάνδακας, σημερινό Ηράκλειο) εάν αναλογιστούμε το επώνυμό του. Ήταν από τους πρώτους Έλληνες που πάτησαν το πόδι τους στην αμερικανική ήπειρο στην νεότερη ιστορία. Προσέφερε τις υπηρεσίες του στον ισπανικό στρατό την εποχή της κατάκτησης και του αποικισμού της Αμερικής. Συγκεκριμένα ο ίδιος πήρε μέρος στην κατάκτηση του Περού και τη διάλυση της αυτοκρατορίας των Ίνκας.
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| Το 15 Νοεμβρίου του 1533 ο Francisco Pizarro, ως διοικητής με περίπου τριακόσιους Ισπανούς στρατιώτες και χιλιάδες βοηθητικών Ινδιάνων , κατέκτησε το Cuzco και προχώρησε σε σφαγή των Ίνκας. Βέβαια εάν δεν νικούσε θα συνέβαινε το αντίθετο. |
Πήρε μέρος στη διάσημη Μάχη της Καχαμάρκα, όπου 200 Ισπανοί αντιμετώπισαν 7000 Ίνκας. Έλαβε μεγάλο μέρος του των λύτρων για την αρπαγή του αυτοκράτορα των Ίνκας Αταουάλπα κατά τη διάρκεια της μάχης.
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| Ο Φρανθίσκο Πιθάρρο μαζί του είναι και ο Πέτρος Κρητικός στο νησί του κόκορα -Ζωγραφική - καθεδρικός ναός στο Περού |
Μετά την ήττα του Πιθάρρο συμμετείχε στην εξερευνητική αποστολή κατάκτησης της Αμπάγια, μιας φανταστικής περιοχής κάπου στον Αμαζόνιο. Αναπόφευκτα η αποστολή απέτυχε.
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| Δρώμενο στο isla del gallo |
Ο Πέτρος Κρητικός ένας από τους «Διάσημους 13».
Στο κομβικό αυτό σημείο και ενώ είχαν καταλήξει πάνω σε μία βραχονησίδα, την Ίλα ντελ Γκάλλο ανοιχτά του σημερινού Εκουαδόρ, ο ντε Αλμάγκρο ήρθε σε διαφωνία με τον Πιζάρρο. Απογοητευμένος από την πολύμηνη άκαρπη περιπλάνηση και κακουχία, ο ντε Αλμάγκρο αποφάσισε να γυρίσει στον Παναμά ώστε να ξεκινήσει την εκστρατεία πάλι από την αρχή, με περισσότερους στρατιώτες και υλικά εφόδια.
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| Isla del gallo -Το νησί του κόκορα |
Ο Πέτρος σαγηνεύει τους κατοίκους του Τουμπέζ
Ο Πιζάρρο και οι δώδεκα σύντροφοί του, οι οποίοι έμειναν στην ιστορία ως «οι διάσημοι δεκατρείς» (Los trece de la fama), περίμεναν στην Ιλα ντελ Γκάλλο για αρκετούς μήνες. Τελικά ο ντε Αλμάγκρο επέστρεψε να τους σώσει, με ένα καράβι από τον Παναμά.
Ήταν πλέον το 1527 και ο ντε Αλμάγκρο είχε τώρα σκοπό να συνεχίσει με τον Πιζάρρο την πορεία προς την ενδοχώρα της αυτοκρατορίας των Ινκα.
Με αυτό το καράβι και με την δύναμη των νεοφερμένων ανδρών ο Πιζάρρο έφθασε, το 1528, για πρώτη φορά στην περιοχή του Τουμπέζ, στο σημερινό βορειοδυτικό Περού.
Η πόλη του Τουμπέζ κατοικείτο από φυλή διαφορετική των Ινκα, που όμως είχαν πρόσφατα υποταχθεί στους δεύτερους και έτσι αποτελούσε μέρος της αυτοκρατορίας τους.
Η αυτοκρατορία των Ινκα, την εποχή εκείνη, βρίσκονταν στη μεγαλύτερη εξάπλωσή της, αφού ξεκινούσε από τη σημερινή νότια Κολομβία και έφθανε μέχρι την κεντρική Χιλή.
Στο Τουμπέζ, οι Ισπανοί, καθώς ήταν λίγοι για μια σοβαρή επιχείρηση εναντίον της πόλης δεν έδειξαν αμέσως τις κατακτητικές τους διαθέσεις. Ο Πιζάρρο αποφάσισε να στείλει πρώτα τον Πέτρο τον Κρητικό ως ανιχνευτή και κατάσκοπο μέσα στην πόλη.
Ο Πέτρος, φορώντας σιδηρούν θώρακα και περικεφαλαία, του τύπου των ισπανών κονκισταδόρων και εφοδιασμένος με αρκεβούζιο, αποβιβάστηκε στην ακτή, συνοδευόμενος μόνο από τον πιστό αφρικανό υπηρέτη και φίλο του, τον Μέζα. Οι ιθαγενείς αμέσως περικύκλωσαν τον λευκό και τον μαύρο άνδρα, εκστασιασμένοι από το πρωτόγνωρο θέαμα και τους οδήγησαν στον άρχοντα της πόλης τους. Αναφέρει, μάλιστα στο χρονικό του ο Πέδρο ντε Σιέζα ντε Λεόν, ότι οι άνθρωποι εκείνοι, εντυπωσιάστηκαν από την απαστράπτουσα πανοπλία του Πέτρου (οι μεταλλικές πανοπλίες ήταν άγνωστο αντικείμενο για τους Αμερικανούς ιθαγενείς εν γένει), αλλά κυρίως από το γενικότερο παρουσιαστικό του. Ήταν πολύ ψηλός, καθώς οι περιγραφές της εποχής τον χαρακτηρίζουν γίγαντα και είχε πλούσια μαύρη γενειάδα, παρουσιαστικό που προκάλεσε δέος και θαυμασμό στους ντόπιους, ιδιαιτέρως δε στις γυναίκες, καθώς αντίκριζαν για πρώτη φορά άνδρα λευκό και μάλιστα γενειοφόρο (οι ιθαγενείς άνδρες ήταν άτριχοι).
Ο Pedro de Candia είχε φιλικές σχέσεις με τους αυτόχθονες Ινδιάνους και είχε ακόμη ένα γιο με μια ινδιάνα γυναίκα.
Ο Πέτρος υποκλίθηκε μπροστά στον άρχοντα του Τουμπέζ και άρχισε να προσπαθεί να του κηρύξει το χριστιανικό Ευαγγέλιο. Εκείνος όμως δεν έδειξε κανένα ενδιαφέρον παρά μόνο για το αρκεβούζιο που κρατούσε ο Κρητικός. Όταν του ζήτησαν να το χρησιμοποιήσει και εκείνος το έπραξε, ο κρότος του πυροβόλου όπλου έκανε όλους τους παριστάμενους ιθαγενείς να πέσουν έντρομοι στο έδαφος. Υπάρχει μάλιστα και ο θρύλος, ότι κάποια άγρια ζώα που παρευρίσκονταν εκεί, έπεσαν στα πόδια του Έλληνα ημερωμένα και φοβισμένα από τον δυνατό κρότο. Τέλος, ο ιθαγενής άρχοντας εντυπωσιασμένος του είπε ότι «κρατά στα χέρια του τον κεραυνό του ουρανού». Στη συνέχεια οι κάτοικοι του Τουμπέζ, ανυποψίαστοι, ξενάγησαν τον Πέτρο μαζί με τον υπηρέτη του σε ολόκληρη την πόλη και οι δυο άνδρες έμειναν έκθαμβοι από τον άφθονο χρυσό και το ασήμι που έβλεπαν γύρω τους.
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| Το πρώτο μέρος από τα Χρονικά του Περού του Pedro Cieza de León |
ΟΙ ΑΝΑΦΟΡΕΣ ΑΠΟ ΤΑ ΧΡΟΝΙΚΑ ΤΟΥ ΠΕΡΟΥ
ΕΙΣ ΤΗΝ ΑΓΓΛΙΚΗ ΓΛΩΣΣΑ
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...and the discoveries of the captains Gonzalo Pizarro, Pedro de Candia, Alonzo de Alvarado, and others. I conclude with the return of Hernando Pizarro to Spain.
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They also say that a lion and a very fierce tiger were placed in the fortress and ordered to be well guarded. These must have been the beasts which made as if they would tear the Captain Pedro de Candia in pieces,[308] at the time{194} when the governor Don Francisco Pizarro, with his thirteen companions (who were the discoverers of Peru, as I shall relate in the third part of my work) reached this coast.
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[308] Pedro de Candia was a Greek, and one of the heroic thirteen who crossed the line drawn on the sand by Pizarro, at the island of Gallo. He was a very tall stout man. When the ship arrived at Tumbez, in Peru, there was some hesitation as to landing amongst a hostile people, and Pedro de Candia volunteered to go first. Putting on a coat of mail reaching to the knees, with a sword by his side and a cross in his hand, he walked towards the town with an air as if he had been lord of the whole province. The Indians were astonished at his appearance, and, to find out what manner of man he was, they let loose a lion and a tiger upon him, but the animals crouched at his feet. Pedro de Candia gave the Indians to understand that the virtue of the cross he held in his hand had been the cause of this miracle. The Indians, believing that he must be a child of the sun, showed him the temple and palace of Tumbez, and so he returned to the ship, which sailed back to Panama. He accompanied Pizarro to Spain and was rewarded by Charles V. This Greek captain fought by the side of Pizarro during the conquest of Peru, and when it was completed, he led an expedition into the forests of Moxos, east of Cuzco, but was obliged to return. After the murder of Pizarro he joined the younger Almagro, and superintended the casting of cannon for him at Cuzco; but afterwards entered into correspondence with the royal army under Vaca de Castro, and at the battle of Chupas he purposely pointed the guns at such an angle as to send the balls over the heads of the enemy. Young Almagro, observing this treachery, ran him through the body, and he fell dead.
Garcilasso de la Vega says that he was at school with Pedro de Candia’s son, at Cuzco, who inherited his father’s stature; for being only twelve years old he had a body large enough for one twice his age.
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| ΤΟ ΔΕΎΤΕΡΟ ΤΑΞΊΔΙ |
The most authentic and only complete list of the thirteen is given by Prescott, from a manuscript copy of “the Capitulation made by Pizarro with Queen Juana on July 26th, 1529,” which he obtained from Navarrete. The original is at Seville. In this document all those, among the thirteen, who were not already hidalgos, were created so.
Gomara gives the names of two, the pilot Ruiz, and Pedro de Candia. Zarate adds seven more, one of whom is not in the “Capitulation.” Garcilasso de la Vega copies from Zarate, but adds that there were two whose names were Ribera, and that he knew them both afterwards. There is only one in the “Capitulation.”
The list in the “Capitulation,” supplied by Pizarro himself, must of course have been the correct one: it is as follows:—
Bartolome Ruiz (the pilot).
Cristoval de Peralta.
Pedro de Candia.
Domingo de Soria Luce.
Nicolas de Ribera.
Francisco de Cuellar.
Alonzo de Molina.
Pedro Alcon.
Garcia de Jerez.
Anton de Carrion.
Alonzo Briceño.
Martin de Paz.
Juan de la Torre.
The name added by Zarate is that of Alonzo de Truxillo; but he may have been one of the two Alonzos of the “Capitulation;” Zarate giving his birth place of Truxillo, instead of his surname. Garcia de Jerez (or de Jaren), another of the thirteen, seems to have given evidence before a judge respecting this transaction in 1529, which has been preserved (Doc. Ined., tom. 26, p. 260), and is quoted by Mr. Helps (iii, p. 446, note). He says:—“Pizarro being in the island of Gallo, the governor Rios sent for the men who were with the said captain, allowing any one who should wish to prosecute the enterprise to remain with him.”
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| Ο ΧΑΡΤΗΣ ΤΗΣ ΠΕΡΙΟΧΗΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΕΡΟΥ |
Οι Ισπανοί μετά από αυτή την επαφή με τους ιθαγενείς στο Τουμπέζ και αφού είχαν πλέον συγκεντρώσει αρκετές πληροφορίες για την περιοχή την οποία επιθυμούσαν να κατακτήσουν, αποφάσισαν να επιστρέψουν στον Παναμά. Το 1528, ο Φρανσίσκο Πιζάρρο επέστρεψε στην Ισπανία, όπου το 1529 έλαβε επίσημη άδεια από τη βασίλισσα Καστίλλης και Αραγονίας Ισαβέλλα, για να προχωρήσει στην κατάκτηση του Περού στο όνομα του Ισπανικού στέμματος. Το 1531, οι Ισπανοί κονκισταδόρες, με αρκετά εφόδια και λίγους αλλά ικανούς στρατιώτες, ξεκίνησαν την τρίτη εκστρατεία τους. Αυτή ήταν και εκείνη η οποία κατέληξε στην τελική κατάλυση της αυτοκρατορίας των Ινκα.
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| Ο Hernando Pizarro y de Vargas |
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| Ο Diego de Almagro |
ΤΑ ΓΕΓΟΝΟΤΑ
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Καχαμάρκα, 16 Νοεμβρίου 1532: συντριπτική ήττα των Ινκα και αιχμαλωσία του Αταχουάλπα.
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Την προηγούμενη μέρα της μάχης ο Ισπανός έστειλε αντιπροσώπους στον Αταχουάλπα, ενημερώνοντάς τον ότι ενδιαφέρεται να συναντηθούν στην Καχαμάρκα για διαπραγματεύσεις. Το τολμηρό σχέδιο του Πιζάρρο αποσκοπούσε στην περικύκλωση του στρατού των Ινκα μέσα στη μικρή πόλη και στην αιφνιδιαστική αιχμαλωσία του Αταχουάλπα, γεγονός που θα καταρράκωνε το ηθικό του υπόλοιπου στρατού των Ινκα αφενός, αλλά θα του εξασφάλιζε και ένα πολύ ισχυρό διαπραγματευτικό όπλο αφετέρου.
Ο στρατός του Πιζάρρο δεν ξεπερνούσε τους 180 άνδρες, συμπεριλαμβανομένου του πεζικού, ιππικού και πυροβολικού. Οι Ινκα από την άλλη πλευρά έφταναν τους 7.000 άνδρες. Οι αριθμοί του μικρού ισπανικού στρατού είναι σχεδόν απίστευτοι. Απέναντι στους Ινκα, ο Πιζάρρο παρέταξε 106 πεζούς λογχοφόρους, 62 ιππείς, 4 πυροβόλα και 12 αρκεβουζιοφόρους. Η ουσιαστική ποιοτική διαφορά ανάμεσα στους δυο στρατούς ήταν ο οπλισμός τους, καθώς οι Ισπανοί έφεραν πυροβόλα όπλα. Αυτή η διαφορά όμως, δεν ήταν ξεκάθαρη πριν την τελική έκβαση της μάχης, σε κανέναν από τους δυο αντιπάλους. Από την πλευρά των Ισπανών, πρώτον τα πυροβόλα που διέθεταν ήταν ελάχιστα, σε σύγκριση με το πλήθος του στρατού των Ινκα. Δεύτερον, ο Φρανσίσκο Πιζάρρο, τότε, έδωσε για πρώτη φορά μάχη με τους Ινκα και δεν είχε χρησιμοποιήσει άλλη φορά στο παρελθόν τον ευρωπαϊκό οπλισμό εναντίον τους. Επομένως, είναι σαφές ότι δεν μπορούσε να προεξοφλήσει με κάθε βεβαιότητα ότι τα πυροβόλα θα του εξασφάλιζαν τη νίκη.
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Η μάχη της Καχαμαρκα, στην εικόνα επίσης φαίνονται τα κανόνια του Κάντια
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Από την πλευρά των Νοτιοαμερικανών, ο αυτοκράτορας Αταχουάλπα είναι προφανές ότι δεν είχε σαφή και πλήρη εικόνα για την καταστροφική δύναμη των πυροβόλων, καθώς, ενώ μεν είχε γνώση από τους κατασκόπους του για το νέο αυτό όπλο, το αντίκρισε, δε, για πρώτη φορά στη μάχη που ακολούθησε. Έτσι το υποτίμησε, εφόσον άλλωστε το πλήθος των Ισπανών φαινόταν σχεδόν μηδαμινό. Επιπλέον, ο στρατός του Αταχουάλπα, σε συνδυασμό με την αριθμητική υπεροχή του, είχε αποκτήσει πολύτιμη εμπειρία στην πρόσφατη εμφύλια διαμάχη για τη διαδοχή εναντίον του αδελφού του. Όπως θα δούμε όμως παρακάτω η υπερβολική αυτοπεποίθηση των Ινκα τους κόστισε μια συντριπτική και μοιραία για το μέλλον της πατρίδας τους ήττα.
Η δράση του Πέτρου Κρητικού στην, αποφασιστικής σημασίας για την κατάκτηση των Ινκα, μάχη που ακολούθησε υπήρξε καθοριστική. Καθώς, όπως προαναφέραμε, οι Ισπανοί δεν διέθεταν περισσότερα από δώδεκα αρκεβούζια, ο Κρητικός προετοίμασε για χρήση τα τέσσερα πυροβόλα, τα οποία είχαν καταφέρει να μεταφέρουν ως εκεί οι Ισπανοί. Τελικά, στη μάχη της Καχαμάρκα η υπεροχή αυτών των τεσσάρων πυροβόλων του Κρητικού, έναντι των Νοτιοαμερικανών ιθαγενών, έμελλε να επιβεβαιωθεί με τον πλέον εμφατικό τρόπο.
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| Η μάχη της Cajamarca, 1532 |
Το πρωί της ημέρας της μάχης ο στρατός των Ινκα προχώρησε προς την πόλη με τον Αταχουάλπα να προπορεύεται ανεβασμένος σε ένα ψηλό υποβασταζόμενο φορείο-θρόνο. Μόλις έφτασαν μπροστά από τα τείχη της πόλης οι Ισπανοί άφησαν τους Ινκα να εισέλθουν ανενόχλητοι μέχρι την πλατεία. Εκεί τον περίμενε ο Πιζάρρο με την συνοδεία του για τις διαπραγματεύσεις, αλλά ο υπόλοιπος στρατός του βρισκόταν κρυμμένος στα γύρω σπίτια. Η θέση των τεσσάρων πυροβόλων του Πέτρου Κρητικού δεν διευκρινίζεται στις πηγές, αλλά το πλέον πιθανόν είναι ότι ήταν τοποθετημένα στο κέντρο της πλατείας, με τον ίδιο τον Πέτρο ως συνοδεία του Πιζάρρο. Μόλις ο προπορευόμενος Αταχουάλπα και η συνοδεία του έφθασαν στην πλατεία ο Ισπανός έδωσε την διαταγή και αμέσως ο κρυμμένος στρατός του όρμησε, εξουδετέρωσε την συνοδεία του αυτοκράτορα και αιχμαλώτισε τον ίδιο τον Αταχουάλπα χωρίς καμία ουσιαστική αντίσταση.
Αυτή η απρόσμενη και αιφνιδιαστική εξέλιξη έπληξε καίρια το ηθικό του στρατού των Ινκα, ο οποίος πλέον ήταν αναγκασμένος να δώσει πραγματική μάχη με τους Ευρωπαίους, κάτι για το οποίο πιθανόν να μην ήταν απολύτως προετοιμασμένος. Λόγω της αριθμητικής υπεροχής τους πιθανόν οι Ινκα να θεωρούσαν βέβαιο ότι οι Ισπανοί απλώς θα παραδοθούν αμαχητί. Επίσης, όπως εξηγήθηκε παραπάνω, είναι αβέβαιο αν οι Ινκα έφεραν οποιουδήποτε είδους βαρύ οπλισμό, όπως τσεκούρια. Επομένως παραμένει άγνωστο τι είδους άμυνα μπόρεσαν να αντιτάξουν οι ιθαγενείς, όμως σε κάθε περίπτωση η έκβαση της μάχης είναι γνωστή. Στη συνέχεια, οι Ισπανοί επιτέθηκαν στο πλήθος των ιθαγενών, με όλα τα όπλα τα οποία προαναφέρθηκε ότι είχαν στη διάθεσή τους και ακολούθησε μια πραγματικά ανηλεής σφαγή του στρατού των Ινκα. Σε μια σφαγή τέτοιας κλίμακας σημαντικό ρόλο έπαιξαν βεβαίως τα πυροβόλα. Μάλιστα ο στρατός των Ινκα σχεδόν αποδεκατίστηκε, αφού οι πηγές αναφέρουν ότι οι νεκροί των Ινκα ξεπέρασαν τους 6.000, ενώ την ίδια στιγμή οι Ισπανοί δεν είχαν ούτε ένα νεκρό.
Οι Ισπανοί κράτησαν αιχμάλωτο τον Αταχουάλπα στην Καχαμάρκα μέχρι τον Αύγουστο του 1533. Ο Πιζάρρο αρχικά απαίτησε ένα τεράστιο ποσό ως λύτρα για τον αυτοκράτορα. Ακόμα όμως και όταν οι Ισπανοί παρέλαβαν τα απαιτούμενα λύτρα, τελικά αποφάσισαν να τον θανατώσουν ζωντανό στην πυρά ως ειδωλολάτρη. Αυτό όμως τρομοκράτησε τον Αταχουάλπα, γιατί σύμφωνα με τις θρησκευτικές πεποιθήσεις των Ινκα σήμαινε ότι η ψυχή του δεν θα μπορούσε ποτέ να μεταβεί στον άλλο κόσμο. Τελικά δέχθηκε να βαπτισθεί χριστιανός με αντάλλαγμα να θανατωθεί δια του στραγγαλισμού. Τον Αταχουάλπα διαδέχθηκε αρχικά ο αδερφός του Τούπακ Χουάλπα στο Κούζκο, πρωτεύουσα των Ινκα. Όταν αργότερα το ίδιο έτος, οι Ισπανοί κυρίευσαν το Κούζκο, τοποθέτησαν τον Μάνκο Ινκα ως υποτελή αυτοκράτορα. Τα κατεκτημένα εδάφη των Ινκα ονομάστηκαν Νέα Καστίλλη.
Όσον αφορά τη συνέχεια των πολέμων μεταξύ Ισπανών και Ινκα, αργότερα, το 1536 ο Μάνκο Ινκα ξεκίνησε επανάσταση με αφορμή την κλοπή της γυναίκας του από τον Χερνάντο Πιζάρρο, αδερφό του Φρανσίσκο. Ο Μάνκο Ινκα κατάφερε να συγκεντρώσει στρατό 200.000 ανδρών και η εξέγερση του συνεχίστηκε από τους συμπατριώτες του, ακόμα και μετά το θάνατό του το 1544, μέχρι το 1572 οπότε οι Ισπανοί κυρίευσαν και το τελευταίο προπύργιο των Ινκα τη Βιλκαμπάμπα.
Ο ισπανικός εμφύλιος
Αμέσως μετά την πρώτη υποταγή των Ινκα το 1533, ο Φρανσίσκο Πιζάρρο και ο Ντιέγκο ντε Αλμάγκρο μοιράστηκαν τη διοίκηση των εδαφών της αυτοκρατορίας όμως διψούσαν για περισσότερο πλούτο και εξουσία. Έτσι επιδόθηκαν σε έναν παράλογο και σκληρό εμφύλιο πόλεμο, ο οποίος κόστισε τη ζωή τόσο στον ίδιο τον Πιζάρρο και τον ντε Αλμάγκρο, όσο και στον Πέτρο τον Κρητικό. Αυτούς τους τρεις άνδρες οι οποίοι υπήρξαν οι πρώτοι Ευρωπαίοι που πάτησαν το έδαφος της Νότιας Αμερικής και πρωτοστάτησαν στην κατάκτηση του Περού.Το 1538, ο Φρανσίσκο Πιζάρρο μαζί με τους αδελφούς του, οι οποίοι είχαν έρθει εν τω μεταξύ από την Ισπανία, βρισκόταν πλέον σε πόλεμο με τον μέχρι πρότινος φίλο και συμπολεμιστή του, αλλά πλέον ανταγωνιστή για την εξουσία, Ντιέγκο ντε Αλμάγκρο. Τον Απρίλιο του 1538, οι αντίπαλοι στρατοί συγκρούστηκαν στη μάχη των Λας Σαλίνας, μια περιοχή λίγο έξω από το Κούζκο και εκεί η συμβολή του Πέτρου του Κρητικού υπήρξε επίσης καθοριστική.
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| Χάρτης της κατάκτησης του Pizarro του Περού. |
Οι αδελφοί Πιζάρρο, χάρη στην παλιά φιλία του Έλληνα με τον Φρανσίσκο είχαν, στην πρώτη φάση του εμφυλίου, τον Κρητικό και το έμπειρο πυροβολικό του με το μέρος τους. Με αυτόν τον τρόπο, κατείχαν σαφές πλεονέκτημα έναντι του ντε Αλμάγκρο. Έτσι πράγματι τον Απρίλιο του 1538, στη μάχη των Λας Σαλίνας, τα πυροβόλα του Κρητικού έπαιξαν τον ρόλο-κλειδί, καθώς επέφεραν καθοριστικές απώλειες στον αντίπαλό τους. Ο ντε Αλμάγκρο ηττημένος βρήκε προσωρινό καταφύγιο στα τείχη του Κούζκο, όμως οι Πιζάρρο, αμέσως μετά τη μάχη, μπήκαν νικητές στην αφύλακτη πόλη. Εκεί ο Χερνάντο Πιζάρρο συνέλαβε τον ντε Αλμάγκρο και αργότερα τον αποκεφάλισε μέσα στη φυλακή.
Μετά την κατάκτηση του Κούζκο, οι αδελφοί Πιζάρρο είχαν πλέον τον έλεγχο ολόκληρου του Περού. Σε αυτό το μικρό διάλειμμα μεταξύ των ισπανικών εμφυλίων στο Περού, ο Κρητικός αποφάσισε να επωφεληθεί πραγματοποιώντας δική του εκστρατεία στα ανατολικά, προς την ζούγκλα του Αμαζονίου, σε αναζήτηση κάποιου φημολογούμενου χρυσού βασιλείου, ενός «Αμαμπάγια».
Ο Πέτρος πήρε την άδεια και την έγκριση από τους αδερφούς Πιζάρρο και βασιζόμενος σε ασαφείς και αόριστες πληροφορίες κινήθηκε προς την περιοχή του Αμαζονίου.
Περιπλανήθηκε άσκοπα στην άγνωστη, σκοτεινή και υγρή ζούγκλα και έχοντας χάσει τον προσανατολισμό και τους περισσότερους άνδρες του από τον πυρετό και την πείνα γύρισε απογοητευμένος και άπραγος στο Περού.
Εκεί, όμως, ο εμφύλιος των Ισπανών είχε και πάλι αρχίσει. Το 1541, ο γιος του ντε Αλμάγκρο, Ντιέγκο ντε Αλμάγκρο Β΄, ο αποκαλούμενος «ελ Μόζο» (Μόθο), σε εκδίκηση για τον θάνατο του πατέρα του, διοργάνωσε μια συνωμοσία εναντίον του Φρανσίσκο Πιζάρρο. Στις 26 Ιουνίου 1541 μαζί με, περίπου, άλλους είκοσι υποστηρικτές του, πραγματοποίησε έφοδο στο παλάτι όπου κατοικούσε ο Πιζάρρο στη Λίμα και εκεί τον δολοφόνησε.
Τώρα πλέον, ο Κρητικός είχε χάσει τον παλιό αρχηγό και φίλο του Φρανσίσκο, ενώ παράλληλα οι σχέσεις του με τους υπόλοιπους αδελφούς Πιζάρρο δεν ήταν καθόλου καλές. Έτσι αποφάσισε και συντάχθηκε κρυφά με τον ντε Αλμάγκρο Β΄.
Η μάχη των Τσούπας και το άδοξο τέλος.
Η τελευταία αποφασιστική μάχη του ισπανικού εμφυλίου, δόθηκε στις 16 Σεπτεμβρίου 1542, στην περιοχή των Τσούπας, πάλι λίγο έξω από το Κούζκο, ανάμεσα στον Ντιέγκο ντε Αλμάγκρο Β΄ και τον στρατό της Νέας Καστίλλης υπό τη διοίκηση των διαδόχων του Πιζάρρο.
Ο Πέτρος ο Κρητικός, τώρα πια με το μέρος του ντε Αλμάγκρο Β΄, κατασκεύασε και πάλι καινούρια πυροβόλα για τη μάχη αυτή. Συγκεκριμένα οι πηγές αναφέρουν ότι σε αυτή την περίπτωση τον βοήθησαν στην κατασκευή των πυροβόλων και δεκαέξι άλλοι Έλληνες. Παρόλα αυτά, ο ντε Αλμάγκρο είχε αρχίσει να χάνει την εμπιστοσύνη του στον Πέτρο.
Λέγεται, πως λίγες μέρες πριν τη μάχη των Τσούπας, έπιασε αιχμάλωτο στο στρατόπεδό του, έναν αγγελιαφόρο ο οποίος μετέφερε γράμμα για τον Κρητικό, με το οποίο οι αντίπαλοι του προσέφεραν αρκετά χρήματα για να σαμποτάρει την δράση του πυροβολικού του κατά τη μάχη. Το γράμμα αυτό δεν έφτασε ποτέ στα χέρια του Κρητικού. Εντούτοις την ημέρα της μάχης των Τσούπας και κατά τη διάρκεια αυτής, η δράση των πυροβόλων του δεν είχε τα αναμενόμενα αποτελέσματα.
Οι αντίπαλοι του ντε Αλμάγκρο είχαν το πλεονέκτημα της μάχης και το περίφημο πυροβολικό του Κρητικού δεν επέφερε μεγάλες απώλειες εις βάρος τους. Είναι άγνωστο γιατί το έμπειρο πυροβολικό του Πέτρου στάθηκε τόσο αναποτελεσματικό σε τούτη τη μάχη, καθώς παραμένει αβέβαιο το κατά πόσο ο Έλληνας όντως ενέργησε προδοτικά, αστοχώντας επίτηδες ή όχι.
Το γεγονός είναι ότι ο ντε Αλμάγκρο, βλέποντας πως ήταν πλέον σαφές ότι θα έχανε τη μάχη, αποφάσισε να ξεσπάσει την οργή του πάνω στον Κρητικό, θεωρώντας ότι ενσυνείδητα και προδοτικά δεν σημάδευε σωστά τον αντίπαλο στόχο.
Όρμησε επάνω του και αποκαλώντας τον «αναθεματισμένο Γραικό προδότη», τον σκότωσε με τα ίδια του τα χέρια.
Εντούτοις, μετά από την ήττα του στα Τσούπας, ο ντε Αλμάγκρο Β΄ είχε την ίδια ακριβώς τύχη με τον πατέρα του. Μαζί με τον ηττημένο στρατό του, τράπηκε σε φυγή και καβαλικεύοντας ένα γαϊδούρι επέστρεψε στο Κούζκο. Την ίδια μέρα οι αντίπαλοί του μπήκαν νικητές στην πόλη, τον συνέλαβαν και τον θανάτωσαν στην κεντρική πλατεία.
Η μάχη των Τσούπας ήταν και το τέλος του Έλληνα, που με την δράση του πυροβολικού του αλλά και την γενναία και δυναμική του προσωπικότητα, έπαιξε καθοριστικό ρόλο στην ανακάλυψη και πρώτη κατάκτηση της νότιας Αμερικής από τους Ευρωπαίους.
Ο Jorge Griego (Γεώργιος ο Έλληνας) ήταν Έλληνας Conquistador, γεννήθηκε στην Ελλάδα το 1504 και ακολούθησε τον Έλληνα φίλος του Pedro de Candia, ο οποίος ήταν ένας Conquistador και διοικητής του πυροβολικού, πήγε στην Ισπανία και, στη συνέχεια, στον Παναμά και το Περού.
Ο Jorge Griego υπηρέτησε στο ισπανικό στρατό στο Περού ως στρατιώτης.
Το 1532 υπό τη διοίκηση του Francisco Pizarro συμμετείχε στη μάχη της Cajamarca, όπου ο πολύ λιγότερος ισπανικός στρατός (ίσως 138 άνδρες) κατάφερε να κερδίσει την συντριπτική μάζωξη στρατού των Ίνκας (9000 άνδρες) του αυτοκράτορα Atahualpa.
Στο Κούσκο, ο Jorge πήρε το μερίδιό του από τους θησαυρούς των Ίνκας. Αργότερα τοποθετήθηκε ως encomendero (Τίτλος που έχει ο κάτοχος και διαχειριστής της γης που έχει καταληφθεί από τον Ισπανικό στρατό ) στην πόλη της Jauja στο Περού.
Στα νεότερα χρόνια μετακόμισε στη Λίμα (όπου είχε ένα μεγάλο κτήμα) και συμμετείχε το 1544 και 1545 στις εκστρατείες του Blasco Nunez Vela και του Pedro de la Gasca.
Παρά το γεγονός ότι δεν ήταν το επάγγελμά του, κατασκεύαζε μεγάλες ποσότητες πυρίτιδας για το ισπανικό στρατό. Τέλος ο Jorge Griego μετά το 1545 επέστρεψε στην Ισπανία και εγκαταστάθηκε στην πόλη της Σεβίλης στην περιοχή της Triana.
Ένας άλλος Έλληνας Κονκισταδόρ εμφανίζεται κατά τη διάρκεια της Ισπανικής κατάκτησης των Φιλιππίνων.
Κατά τη διάρκεια της εκστρατείας του Miguel Lopez de Legazpi ένας Έλληνας κατακτητής που ονομάζεται Χουάν Griego ( Ιωάννης ο Έλλην ) είναι μαζί του ,όπου ο Legazpi τον ανταμείβει και για τις υπηρεσίες του και αυτός γίνεται ένας encomendero (άρχοντας της γης) (Τίτλος που έχει ο κάτοχος και διαχειριστής της γης που έχει καταληφθεί από τον Ισπανικό στρατό ) στο νησί του Μιντανάο.
Σε αυτήν την Encomienda του περιλαμβάνονται πολλές χώρες της βόρειας περιοχής του Μιντανάο, όμως το 1572 ο Legazpi τον σταμάτησε από αυτήν την Encomienda επειδή οι ισπανικές δυνάμεις δεν ελέγχουν πλέον αποτελεσματικά την περιοχή.
On above two islands in order to avoid disputes, on February 14, Legazpi united the encomiendas of the encomenderos, giving the Indians of Limanca, Vaván, and Samal to Agustín Duerto and Bartolomé Andrea; those of Paita to Juan Griego; those of Caguayán to Juan Méndez; those of Buri to Felipe de la Xara; those of Tunaoyiran to Juan Pérez; those of Paranas to Andrés de Luca; those of Calviga to Juan Gutiérrez; and those of Bondó to Miguel Godínez and Antonio Ginovés.
In the island of Mindanao, the chief river Vindanao, the point of Cauit, the port of Caldera, the village of Zamboanga and all the villages and coast where cinnamon is grown, were assigned by the adelantado to his Majesty on January 16, 1571.
On January 25, he assigned to Juan Griego the natives of the villages of Cagayan, Gonpot, and Tagoloán (?), with their tingües and hills;
Source: Blair & Robertson, The Philippine Islands, volume 34, pp. 304-310.Translation from the Spanish by James Alexander Robertson.
ΑΠΟΔΟΣΗ ΣΤΑ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΑ
... προκειμένου να αποφευχθούν διαφωνίες, στις 14 Φεβρουαρίου ο Legazpi συνένωσε τις εγκάρδιες του Encomendos, δίνοντας τα ινδικά νησιά στους Limanca, Vaván και Samal Agustín Duerto και Bartolomé Andrea.
Αυτά της Paita στον Juan Griego. Αυτά του Caguayán στον Juan Méndez. Αυτές του Buri στον Felipe de la Xara. Αυτά του Tunaoyiran στον Juan Pérez. Αυτά της Παναγίας στον Andrés de Luca. Αυτά της Καλβίγκα στον Juan Gutiérrez. Και εκείνων του Bondó προς τον Miguel Godinez και τον Antonio Ginovés.
Στο νησί Mindanao, ο κύριος ποταμός Vindanao, το σημείο του Cauit, το λιμάνι της Καλντέρας, το χωριό Zamboanga και όλα τα χωριά και οι ακτές όπου καλλιεργείται κανέλα, ανατέθηκε από τον Έκπρόσωπο της Αυτού Μεγαλειότητας στις 16 Ιανουαρίου 1571. Στις 25 Ιανουαρίου ανέθεσε στον Juan Griego τους ντόπιους από τα χωριά Cagayan, Gonpot και Tagoloán (?), Με τα κτήματα και τους λόφους τους.
Ο Juan Griego ήταν ένας άλλος Έλλην κατακτητής που υπηρέτησε στο Ισπανικό στρατό. Αφού πέρασε πέντε χρόνια στο μέτρο Ινδίες πήγε στο S. Dominigo -Άγιο Δομίνικο το 1514 και το 1518 πήγε στην Κούβα.
Έγινε μέλος του Cortez Entrada και μετά την κατάληψη της Tenochtitlan πήγε στη Γουατεμάλα.
Η Τενοτστιτλάν ή Τενοκτιτλάν (ισπανικά: Tenochtitlan - Τενοτστίτλαν ή Tenochtitlán[Σημ. 1] - Τενοτστιτλάν, Νάουατλ: Tenōchtitlan - Τενοτστίτλαν[Σημ. 2]) ήταν μια πόλη-νησί στην λίμνη Τεξκόκο του Μεξικού, πρωτεύουσα της αυτοκρατορίας των Αζτέκων. Σύμφωνα με την ιστορία των Αζτέκων, οι μετανάστες Μέσικα ίδρυσαν την Τενοτστιτλάν σε ένα ελώδες νησί το 1325, ακολουθώντας έναν οιωνό από τον θεό τους Ουιτζιλοπότστλι, έναν αετό, καθισμένο σε έναν κάκτο να τρώει ένα φίδι. Η εικόνα είναι σήμερα το εθνικό σύμβολο του Μεξικού.
Η γεωγραφική θέση της Τενοτστιτλάν στην πυκνοκατοικημένη λεκάνη του Μεξικού παρείχε σημαντικές ευκαιρίες για εμπόριο και η πόλη επεκτεινόμενη γρήγορα έφθασε σε καθεστώς ευημερίας. Έγινε αυτοκρατορική πρωτεύουσα με τον σχηματισμό της αυτοκρατορίας των Αζτέκων 1428. Οι Μέσικα εν ευθέτω χρόνω κατέκτησαν ένα μεγάλο τμήμα της μεσοαμερικανικής επικράτειας.
Οι φόροι των εκατομμυρίων υποτελών απέφεραν πλούτη για την πόλη, η οποία στην εποχή της ισπανικής κατάκτησης το 1519 κάλυπτε έκταση πέντε τετραγωνικών μιλίων με πληθυσμό περίπου 200.000. Το μεγαλύτερο τμήμα της πόλης καταστράφηκε από τους κατακτητές και πάνω στα ερείπιά της χτίστηκε η Πόλη του Μεξικού.
Επέστρεψε στο Μεξικό (Νέα Ισπανία) και τελικά αποδίδεται από τις πηγές ως encomendero της επαρχίας Atoyaquillo μέχρι το θάνατό του το 1560.
Θα πρέπει επίσης να διευκρινιστεί ότι ο Juan Griego ο encomendero της Atoyaquillo δεν πρέπει να συγχέεται με τον Juan Griego τον encomendero της επαρχίας του Μιντανάο στις Φιλιππίνες . Το όνομα Juan ή John (Ιωάννης στα ελληνικά) ήταν μια κοινή ονομασία μεταξύ του ελληνικού πληθυσμού και πολλοί Έλληνες είχαν αυτό το όνομα.
Το Juan Griego είναι μια πόλη στη βόρεια πλευρά της Isla Margarita , και είναι το βορειότερο λιμάνι της Βενεζουέλας . Έχει πληθυσμό 28.256 κατοίκους (σύμφωνα με την απογραφή του 2001) και είναι πρωτεύουσα του Δήμου Μαρκάνο της επαρχίας της Νέας Σπάρτης -Nueva Esparta .
Η πόλη πήρε το όνομά Juan του Έλληνα που γεννήθηκε στη Σεβίλλη στις αρχές του 16ου αιώνα. Ήταν ένας πλοηγός που διέσχισε τον ωκεανό για την Αμερική. Ξεκίνησε μια ευημερούσα επιχείρηση μεταφοράς σε αιχμαλωσία Ινδιάνων από το νησί Santo Domingo . Ο ίδιος αναφέρεται στην απογραφή του 1545. Μετά το θάνατο του το υπόλοιπο των κατοίκων της πόλης, πιθανότατα επειδή υπήρξε ο πιο επιφανής πολίτης του τόπου, άρχισαν να την αποκαλούν την πόλη αυτή με το όνομα του θεωρούμενου από αυτούς , ιδρυτή της.
Η πόλη άρχισε να είναι σημαντική το 1811, όταν, κατά τη διάρκεια του Πόλεμου της Ανεξαρτησίας της Βενεζουέλας , έγινε ένα πολεμικό λιμάνι για την προστασία των στρατιωτικών. Το 1816, το λιμάνι χρησιμοποιήθηκε από τον Σιμόν Μπολιβάρ για την επιστροφή του από την Αϊτή .
Το 1904, η κυβέρνηση μετέφερε την πρωτεύουσα του νησιού από τον Juan Griego στο Pampatar , στα νότια του νησιού, όταν οι εμπορικές δραστηριότητες μειώνονται σημαντικά. Παρ 'όλα αυτά, οι πολιτιστικές δραστηριότητες συνέχισαν να ανθίζουν στην πόλη, Το 1932 μια ομάδα νέων ανθρώπων ξεκίνησε την Εταιρεία Juan Griego, όπου εκτελούν διάφορα καλλιτεχνικά έργα,όπως τις αιτιολογικές σκέψεις της ποίησης, αλλά και συναυλίες και άλλες καλλιτεχνικές εκδηλώσεις.
Ιωάννης Φωκάς ήταν είτε ονομάζεται Ιωάννης Φωκάς ή Απόστολος Βαλεριάνος. Ο Ιωάννης Φωκάς γεννήθηκε στο ελληνικό νησί της Κεφαλονιάς το 1536, αργότερα προσέφερε τις υπηρεσίες του στην ισπανική αυτοκρατορία. Το 1587 έφτασε στη Νέα Ισπανία (σημερινό Μεξικό) και άρχισε να ταξιδεύει ως πλοηγός από το Μεξικό προς τις Φιλιππίνες και την Κίνα. Το Γαλεόνι (Galleon) του η «Σάντα Άννα» δέχθηκε επίθεση από ένα αγγλικό πλοίο και βυθίστηκε κοντά στην Καλιφόρνια. όμως ο Ιωάννης Φωκάς επέζησε αλλά έχασε όλη του την περιουσία.
Το 1592 ο αντιβασιλέας της Νέας Ισπανίας Luis de Velasco τον διέταξε να προβεί σε ταξίδι σε μια προσπάθεια να εξερευνήσει το θρυλικό στενό του Anian (σημερινό Βανκούβερ). Στο πρώτο του ταξίδι έγινε μέλος της ισπανικής εκστρατείας με 3 πλοία υπό τη γενική διοίκηση Ισπανού καπετάνιου. Το ταξίδι ήταν μια αποτυχία, λόγω μίας ανταρσίας και επέστρεψε στην Καλιφόρνια.
Στο δεύτερο ταξίδι που οδηγεί την εκστρατεία με μια γαλέρα και ένοπλους Πεζοναύτες. Ξεκίνησε το ταξίδι του από το Ακαπούλκο και πήγε μακριά στο Βορρά και τέλος βρήκε το στενό του Anian.
Ο Juan de Fuca επέστρεψε στο Ακαπούλκο και εκεί περιγράφει το γεωγραφικό πλάτος αλλά και την γεωγραφική σύνθεση του στενού.
Ο Ιωάννης Φωκάς ποτέ δεν έλαβε την πληρωμή του για υπηρεσίες του και μετά από δύο χρόνια ακόμη δεν είχε ανταμειφθεί από τον αντιβασιλέα Velasco, τότε ο Juan πήγε στην Ισπανία. Ο μεγάλος Έλληνας εξερευνητής τελικά ποτέ δεν έλαβε την πληρωμή του και το 1596 αποφάσισε να επιστρέψει στην Κεφαλλονιά την πατρίδα του. Αλλά εκείνο τον καιρό συνάντησε έναν Άγγλο, τον Michael Lok ο οποίος κατέγραψε τα ταξίδια του Ιωάννης Φωκά και προσπάθησε να πείσει το παλιό εξερευνητή να ενταχθεί στο αγγλικό ναυτικό. Τελικά δεν ήρθε σε συμφωνία και Ιωάννης Φωκάς αποσύρθηκε στην πατρίδα του και πέθανε εκεί το 1602.
ΕΠΙΣΗΣ Ιωάννης Φωκάς (θαλασσοπόρος)
Ο Ιωάννης Φωκάς ή Απόστολος Βαλεριάνος, γνωστός με το ισπανικό όνομα Χουάν ντε Φούκα (Juan de Fuca, Βαλεριάνο Κεφαλλονιάς, 1536 – Κεφαλλονιά, 1602) ήταν Έλληνας θαλασσοπόρος, που εξερεύνησε τις δυτικές ακτές της Βορείου Αμερικής για λογαριασμό του ισπανικού θρόνου. Το όνομά του δόθηκε σε στενό ανάμεσα στην νήσο Βανκούβερ και τις ΗΠΑ, το οποίο οδηγεί στο λιμάνι του Βανκούβερ.
Ο Φωκάς ή Βαλεριάνος γεννήθηκε στο χωριό Βαλεριάνο της Κεφαλλονιάς και ήταν ο τέταρτος γιος του Εμμανουήλ Φωκά ή Φωκά Βαλεριάνου με καταγωγή από την Κωνσταντινούπολη. Πιθανότατα το όνομά του ήταν Ιωάννης-Απόστολος.
Νέος ξενιτεύτηκε και εργάστηκε επί σαράντα χρόνια ως πλοηγός στον στόλο των Δυτικών Ινδιών της Ισπανίας. Σε ένα του ταξίδι στις Φιλιππίνες, τον Νοέμβριο του 1587, το πλοίο στο οποίο επέβαινε, η Αγία Άννα (Santa Anna), το κατέλαβαν Άγγλοι και ο ίδιος πιάστηκε αιχμάλωτος χάνοντας όλες του τις οικονομίες και το φορτίο του πλοίου αξίας 60.000 δουκάτων.
Λίγο καιρό αργότερα αφέθηκε ελεύθερος και το 1588 πήγε στο Μεξικό, που τότε ονομάζονταν Νέα Ισπανία. Ο Ισπανός αντιβασιλέας του Μεξικού, Λουίς ντε Βελασέο (Luis de Velaseo), τού έδωσε μία μικρή καραβέλα με την εντολή να εξερευνήσει τις δυτικές ακτές της Βορείου Αμερικής και να βρει τα μυθικά Στενά του Ανιάν (ισπ., Estrecho de Anián) που υποτίθεται πως ένωναν τον Ατλαντικό με τον Ειρηνικό Ωκεανό.
Το πρώτο του ταξίδι το 1592 έληξε άδοξα, επειδή το πλήρωμά του στασίασε, και έτσι αναγκάστηκε να επιστρέψει στο Ακαπούλκο. Κατά το δεύτερο ταξίδι του ανέβηκε βόρεια και νόμισε πως πραγματικά είχε βρει το πέρασμα προς τον Ατλαντικό μεταξύ του 47ου και 48ου γεωγραφικού παραλλήλου. Επέστρεψε στο Ακαπούλκο περιμένοντας για δύο χρόνια να λάβει την ανταμοιβή του για τις ανακαλύψεις του, αλλά χωρίς αποτέλεσμα. Το 1593 ή 1594, έφυγε για την Ισπανία ελπίζοντας πως θα τον ανταμείψει ο βασιλιάς της Ισπανίας. Τελικά δεν βρήκε καμία ανταπόκριση και από τον ισπανικό θρόνο και, απογοητευμένος, αποφάσισε να αποσυρθεί στην πατρίδα του.
Στην πορεία του προς την Κεφαλονιά, πέρασε και από την Φλωρεντία. Εκεί έτυχε να συναντήσει έναν Άγγλο ονόματι Τζον Ντούγκλας (John Douglass), στον οποίο αφηγήθηκε τις περιπέτειές του. Ο Ντάγκλας τού έδωσε μία συστατική επιστολή και τον έστειλε στον Μάικλ Λοκ (Michael Lok ή Locke), πλούσιο έμπορο και πρόξενο της Αγγλίας, ο οποίος έτυχε να βρίσκεται τότε στην Βενετία. Ο Φωκάς εξιστόρησε τις εξερευνήσεις του και έπεισε τον τελευταίο να μεσολαβήσει ώστε η Αγγλία να του χορηγήσει δύο πλοία για να συνεχίσει τις εξερευνήσεις του για το πέρασμα ανάμεσα στον Ατλαντικό και τον Ειρηνικό Ωκεανό. Ο Φωκάς ήλπιζε ακόμα πως οι Άγγλοι θα τον αποζημίωναν για το όσα έχασε όταν τον αιχμαλώτισαν στις Φιλιππίνες.
Ο Λοκ προσπάθησε να έρθει σε επαφή με την βρετανική κυβέρνηση, ζητώντας 100 λίρες για να πάει τον Φωκά στην Αγγλία, αλλά η απάντηση καθυστερούσε και ο Φωκάς έφυγε τελικά για την Κεφαλονιά. Το 1602, ο Λοκ έγραψε μία επιστολή στον Φωκά, αλλά δεν έλαβε ποτέ απάντηση. Έτσι ο Λοκ υπέθεσε πως ο ηλικιωμένος Φωκάς είχε ήδη πεθάνει.
Η ιστορία του Φωκά, έτσι όπως την μετέφερε στον Λοκ, πρωτοδημοσιεύθηκε το 1625 στο βιβλίο του Άγγλου ταξιδιωτικού συγγραφέα Σάμιουελ Πούρτσας (Samuel Purchas, π. 1575–1626) Hakluytus Posthumus or 'Purchas His Pilgrimes Contayning a History of the World in Sea Voyages and Lande Travells by Englishmen and others. Το 1787, ο Βρετανός πλοίαρχος Τσαρλς Μπάρκλεϋ (Charles Barkley), αναγνωρίζοντας τον πορθμό ανάμεσα στην νήσο Βανκούβερ και την Πολιτεία Ουάσιγκτον των ΗΠΑ ως τα μέρη που εξερεύνησε ο Φωκάς, έδωσε στην περιοχή το όνομα Στενά του Χουάν ντε Φούκα (αγγλ., Strait of Juan de Fuca).
Για τον Φωκά-Βαλεριάνο, έχει γράψει ο Φώτης Κόντογλου («Απόστολος Βαλεριάνος ο λεγόμενος Juan da (sic) Fuca», στην συλλογή διηγημάτων Ο Αστρολάβος, Αθήνα 1935), ενώ το 2007 κυκλοφόρησε και μία μυθιστορηματική βιογραφία γραμμένη από την Ευριδίκη Λειβαδά-Ντούκα (Στα Στενά της Χίμαιρας, εκδ. Κέδρος, Αθήνα 2007, ISBN 960-04-3413-1).
Επίσης στην αποστολή του Μαγγελάνου, 1519-1522 πολλοί Έλληνες ναυτικοί πήραν μέρος στο ταξίδι. Θα πρέπει επίσης να αναφερθεί ότι μεταξύ των Ισπανών το υπόλοιπο του πληρώματος ήταν Έλληνες, Ιταλοί, Πορτογάλοι, ¨Αγγλοι, Γάλλοι και Γερμανοί. Αυτοί οι άνδρες ήταν οι πρώτοι που κάνουν μια περίπλου του πλανήτη, πολλοί από αυτούς και συμπεριλαμβανομένου του Ferdinand Magellan πέθαναν κατά τη διάρκεια του ταξιδιού και μόνο 18 από τους 237 άνδρες του αρχικού πληρώματος επέζησαν. Μεταξύ των 18 επιζώντες, 4 εκ των οποίων ήταν Έλληνες.
Οι 4 Έλληνες επιζώντες ήταν: ...Φραγκίσκος Francisco Albo από Ρόδας (Ρόδος), ο οποίος ήταν ένας πλοηγός, ο Μιχαήλ Miguel de Ρόδας (Ρόδος), ένας πλοηγός- ο Νικόλαος ο Έλλην από το Ναύπλιο, ναυτικός και ο Μιχαήλ Miguel Sanchez από Ρόδας (Ρόδος), ένας ναυτικός Αλλά και πρέπει να είναι και ο Φίλιππος ο Ρόδιος Felipe de Rodas, de Rodas ναύτης de la Victoria -Victoria.
Θα πρέπει επίσης να σημειωθεί ότι Φρανσίσκο Albo ο Ρόδιος ήταν ο μόνος που κράτησε ένα ημερολόγιο, μαζί με τον Ιταλό Αντόνιο Πιγκαφέτα. Οι Περιγραφές τους ήταν μια πολύτιμη πηγή πληροφοριών για τους μελλοντικούς εξερευνητές.
1 Fernando de Magallanes
2 Juan Sebastián Elcano
3 Luis de Molina
4 Francisco Albo Contramaestre
5 Andrés de San Martín Piloto
6 Bartolomé Prior Contramaestre
7 Baltasar Genoves
8 Serrao
9 Luis Martinez
10 Bartolomé García
11 Lorenzo de Iruña
12 Joanes de Irún
13 Pedro Sánchez de la Reina
14 Maestre Predro Piloto
15 Francisco Albo Contramaestre
16 Juan de Chinchilla
17 Francisco de Angulo
18 Rodriguez de Fonseca
19 Juan López de Recalde
20 Andres de Bristol
21 Marcos de Bayas
22 Navarro Grumete
23 Gonzalo de Vigo
24 Bartolomé Sánchez
25 Juan de Torres
26 Luis Alfonso
27 Martín Mendez Escribano
28 Leon de Espeleta Escribano
29 Sancho de Heredia Escribano
30 Francisco Martín Tonelero
31 Simon de Rochela Calafate
32 Cristobal Rodriguez Despensero
33 Nuño Despensero
34 Francisco de Madrid
35 Pedro Herrero
36 Hernando de Aguilar
37 Antón de Goa grumete
38 Antón Rodriguez
39 Juan Sigura
40 Francisco Picora
41 Francisco Martín
42 Rodrigo de Hurrira
43 Hartiga
44 Juan de Sila
45 Juan de Piti
46 Francisco de la Mezquita
47 Francisco Ortega
48 Juan de Orue
49 Santiago Díaz
50 Martín Mendez
51 Martín de Insaurraga
52 Domingo Alvarez
53 Cristobal de Costa
54 Diego Garcia de Trigueros
55 Pedro Valpuesta
56 Martín de Magallanes
57 Juan de Cartagena Cap. San Antonio
58 Juan de Acuria
59 Juan Sebastian Elcano
60 Criatobal de Haro
61 Luis de Mendoza Cap. Victoria
62 Gaspar de Quesada Cap. Concepción
63 Juan Serrano Cap. Santiago
64 Pedro Valderrama
65 Pedro Sanchez de la Reina
66 Juan de Acurio Contramaestre
67 Juan Bautista Puncera Contramaestre
68 Francisco Antonio de Pigafetta
69 Cristobal de Rabelo
70 Duarte Barbosa
71 Espinosa Alguacil
72 Ruy Faleiro Portuguese cosmographer, astrologer, and astronomer
73 Antonio de Coca
74 Anton Salomon
75 Andrés de San Martín Piloto
76 Alvaro de Mesquita
77 Juan de Elgorriaga
78 Jeronimo Guerra Escribano
79 Toribio Alonso de Salazar
80 Miguel de Rodas Contramaestre de la Victoria
81 Martin de Judicibus, de Génova Superintendente de la Concepcion.
82 Hernando de Bustamante, de Alcantara Cirujano-barbero de la Concepcion.
83 Juan de Zubileta, de Baracaldo Paje de la Victoria
84 Miguel Sanchez Marinerode la Victoria.
85 Nicholas e Griego de Nápoles Marinerode la Victoria.
86 Diego Gallego, de Bayona Marinerode la Victoria. ή de Rodas μάλλον Ρόδιος
87 Juan Rodriguez, de Sevilla Marinero de la Trinidad
88 Francisco Rodriguez Marinero de la Concepción
89 Juan de Arratia, de Bilbao Grumete de la Victoria.
90 Vasco Gomez Gallego (a . el portugués) Grumete de la Trinidad.
91 Juan de Santandres, de Cueto Grumete de la Trinidad.
92 Martin de Isaurraga, de Bermeo Grumete de la Concepcion
93 Pedro de Indarchi, de Tenerife Maestro de la Santiago.
94 Ricardo de Normandía Carpintero de la Santiago.
95 Simon de Burgos Criado de Mendoza
96 Juan Martin, de Aguilar de Campo Criado de Mendoza
97 Roldan de Argote Cañonero de la Concepcion
98 Juan Ortiz de Gopega, de Bilbao Administrador de la San Antonio.
99 Pedro Gasco, de Burdeos Marinero de la Santiago.
100 Ocacio Alonso, de Bollullos (Huelva) Marinero de la Santiago
101 Gomez Hernandez, de Huelva Marinero de la Concepcion
102 Felipe de Rodas, de Rodas Marinero de la Victoria Victoria.
103 Pedro de Tolosa, de Guipuzcoa Grumete de la Victoria
104 Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa Alguacil de la flota.
105 Juan Rodriguez, de Sevilla, (alias “el sordo”) Marinero de la Concepcion.
106 Gines de Mafra, de Jerez Marinero.
107 Leon Pancaldo, de Savona (cerca de Génova) Marinero
Anton de Rodas -Αντώνιος Ρόδιος
Άλλοι Έλληνες που να αναφέρονται στα Ισπανικά αρχεία είναι ο Anton de Rodas -Αντώνιος Ρόδιος ένας σεβαστός Έλληνας πλοίαρχος και κυβερνήτης δύο ισπανικών πλοίων, το πρώτο ήταν το «San Jorge» και το άλλο ήταν το «Σαν Χουάν», ήταν δε ένας πλοηγός στις περιοχές του Περού από το 1535 -1537. Έκανε πολλά ταξίδια από Λίμα προς Παναμά το 1540 και τελικά εγκαταστάθηκε στη Λίμα το 1550, όπου είχε ένα μεγάλο σπίτι.
Παντρεύτηκε μια Ισπανίδα και συνέχισε να είναι ο πλοίαρχος του πλοίου στη θάλασσα του Ειρηνικού, τουλάχιστον μέχρι το 1563.
Juan de Chio Ιωάννης o Xioς
Ένας άλλος Έλληνας πλοίαρχος που αναφέρεται στα ισπανικά αρχεία είναι Juan de Chio ένας Έλληνας καπετάνιος από το νησί της Χίου.
Ενώ οι περισσότεροι καπετάνιοι που έπλεαν στην περιοχή του Ειρηνικού στην περιοχή της Χιλής δεν ήξεραν τίποτα από το γεωγραφικό πλάτος και ταξίδευαν από ένστικτο, από την άλλη πλευρά ο Juan de Chio...Ιωάννης o Xioς, ήταν ο μόνος που πλοήγηση κατά τη διάρκεια αυτού του χρόνου (1540) με αστρολάβο, μια πλοήγηση με γράφημα και τρεις πυξίδες θαλάσσης.
Juan Griego, γιος του Lazaro Griego
Ένας άλλος Έλληνας που ονομάζεται επίσης Juan Griego, γιος του Lazaro Griego από το Νεγρεπόντε ( την Εύβοια ή την πόλη της Χαλκίδας ) ή την Κρήτη, γεννήθηκε το 1566, συμμετείχε στην εκστρατεία του Juan de Onate εναντίον των ιθαγενών Ινδιάνων της φυλής Akoma στο Μεξικό το 1598.
Ο Juan Griego περιγράφεται ως 32 χρόνια γέρος με γκρίζα γενειάδα και καλή ανάστημα, οπλισμένοι και με μια μεγάλη ουλή στο πρόσωπο του.
Ο Χουάν ήταν παντρεμένος με τη σύζυγό του την Pascuala Bernal, και ήταν ένας από τους πρώτους κατοίκους της Santa Fe. Είχε επίσης 3 γιους τους ονόμασε Λάζαρο, Ιωάννη Juan και Φραγκίσκο Fransisco. Ο Ιωάννης ο Έλλην πέθανε στη Σάντα Φε πιθανότατα μετά από 1631.
Πολλοί Έλληνες έγιναν επιτυχημένοι καπεταναίοι και στρατιώτες, καλλιτέχνες και επιστήμονες σε χώρες όπως η Ιταλία και η Ισπανία και ακόμη και στην οθωμανική αυτοκρατορία πολλοί υψηλοί αξιωματικοί, δραγουμάνοι και καπετάνιοι ήταν ελληνικής καταγωγής. Ενώ και στην Ισπανία Έλληνες λόγιοι και καλλιτέχνες όπως ο Ελ Γκρέκο, διακρίθηκαν. Οι Έλληνες του Ισπανικού στρατού συνέβαλαν κατά κύριο λόγο στην κατάκτηση και την εξερεύνηση της ηπείρου της Αμερικής και έπαιξαν σημαντικό ρόλο σε αυτό . Πολλοί από αυτούς ήταν ναυτικοί και καπετάνιοι, άλλοι εξερευνητές όπως Ιωάννης Φωκάς και άνδρες του Πυροβολικού κάτι πολύ σημαντικό εκείνη την εποχή , ενώ κάποιοι από αυτούς ήταν ακόμη κατακτητές-εξερευνητές , όπως ο Pedro de Candia και ο Jorge Griego.
ΕΠΙΣΗΣ ΔΕΙΤΕ
ΕΛΛΗΝΕΣ ΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΤΑΙ ΕΝ ΤΗ ΔΥΣΕΙ ΚΑΙ ΑΝΑΓΕΝΝΗΣΙΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ ΤΑΚΤΙΚΗΣ
ΒΙΒΛΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ - ΠΗΓΕΣ ΕΝΔΕΙΚΤΙΚΑ
ΑΡΧΕΙΟ ΑΡΧΑΙΟΓΝΩΜΩΝ
1
/katalitheian.blogspot.gr - Ιωάννης Δανδουλάκης - πολιτικός επιστήμων - ιστορικός
(το παρόν είχε δημοσιευθεί στο περιοδικό "Στρατιωτική Ιστορία", τεύχος 178, Νοέμβριος 2011)
4
Iaonas - Greek Conquistadors and explorers in the Spanish army -http://iaonas.blogspot.gr/
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Sources- Books
Spanish Peru, 1532-1560: a Social history by James Lockhart
The discovery and the conquest of Peru of Pedro de Cieza by Alexandra Parma Cook and Noble Cook
Men of Cajamarca by James Lockhart
A history of the Conquest of Peru by William H. Prescott
Old ties and new solidarities: studies on Philippine communities by Charles J-H Macdonald and Guillermo M. Pesigan
The encomenderos of new Spain 1521-1555 by Romerich Himmerich y Valencia
And Wiki articles
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greek_American
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juan_Griego
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juan_de_Fuca
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cagayan_de_Oro
Other links
http://alkek.library.txstate.edu/swwc/cdv/book/25.html
http://www.greenapple.gr/articlesdesc.php?id=129
http://genforum.genealogy.com/peru/messages/709.html
http://www.enchantedlearning.com/explorers/1500b.shtml
http://cybergata.com/roots/5072.htm
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Ο Πέτρος πήρε την άδεια και την έγκριση από τους αδερφούς Πιζάρρο και βασιζόμενος σε ασαφείς και αόριστες πληροφορίες κινήθηκε προς την περιοχή του Αμαζονίου.
Περιπλανήθηκε άσκοπα στην άγνωστη, σκοτεινή και υγρή ζούγκλα και έχοντας χάσει τον προσανατολισμό και τους περισσότερους άνδρες του από τον πυρετό και την πείνα γύρισε απογοητευμένος και άπραγος στο Περού.
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| Φρ. Πιθάρο - Η κατάκτηση του Περού |
Τώρα πλέον, ο Κρητικός είχε χάσει τον παλιό αρχηγό και φίλο του Φρανσίσκο, ενώ παράλληλα οι σχέσεις του με τους υπόλοιπους αδελφούς Πιζάρρο δεν ήταν καθόλου καλές. Έτσι αποφάσισε και συντάχθηκε κρυφά με τον ντε Αλμάγκρο Β΄.
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| Η μάχη των Λας Σαλίνας, Απρίλιος 1538. Γκραβούρα του 16ου αιώνα από τον Theodor de Bry. Είχε δημοσιευθεί στην Αμβέρσα το 1728, στο βιβλίο"Décadas" του Antonio de Herrera
Στα επόμενα χρόνια Francico Pizarro δολοφονήθηκε από τον Diego τον γιο του Almagro. Πόλεμος ξέσπασε το 1542 μεταξύ Almagro του νεότερου και τους αδελφούς του Pizarro.
Ο Pedro de Candia και οι άνδρες του αυτή τη φορά ένωσε τις δυνάμεις του με αυτές του Almagro. Μεταξύ των ανδρών του Πέτρου δε Candia υπήρχαν πολλοί Έλληνες υπό τις διαταγές του, 16 εκ των οποίων ήταν μηχανικοί που θα μπορούσε να λειτουργήσουν αλλά και να δημιουργήσουν κανόνια και μπαρούτι. Από την άλλη πλευρά ήταν επίσης 4 ή 5 Έλληνες στο στρατό των αδελφών Pizarro.
Οι δυνάμεις του Almagro και του Πέτρου δε Candia συναντήθηκαν με τις δυνάμεις των αδελφών Pizarro σε ένα μέρος που λέγεται Chupas. Οι ανδρών του Almagro πριν από τη μάχη ανακάλυψε μια επιστολή η οποία εστάλη στον Πέτρο από τους αδελφούς Pizarro που του ζητούσαν να προδώσει τον Almagro. Η επιστολή όμως δεν ήρθε ποτέ στα χέρια του Πέτρου ενώ στη μάχη της Chupas, ο Πέτρος και οι Έλληνες άντρες από το πυροβολικό του πολέμησαν πολύ άσχημα, κάτι που ο Diego Almagro ο νεώτερος εξέλαβε ως προδοσία. Καθώς η μάχη χάθηκε ο Almagro τρέχει με οργή εναντίον του Πέτρου δε Candia και τον σκοτώνει με τα ίδια του τα χέρια. Πολύ σύντομα ο Almagro σκοτώθηκε ενώ προσπαθούσε να βρει καταφύγιο στα τείχη της Cuzco. Αυτό ήταν το τέλος ενός από τους μεγαλύτερους κατακτητές και τους εξερευνητές του Νέου Κόσμου.
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Η τελευταία αποφασιστική μάχη του ισπανικού εμφυλίου, δόθηκε στις 16 Σεπτεμβρίου 1542, στην περιοχή των Τσούπας, πάλι λίγο έξω από το Κούζκο, ανάμεσα στον Ντιέγκο ντε Αλμάγκρο Β΄ και τον στρατό της Νέας Καστίλλης υπό τη διοίκηση των διαδόχων του Πιζάρρο.
Ο Πέτρος ο Κρητικός, τώρα πια με το μέρος του ντε Αλμάγκρο Β΄, κατασκεύασε και πάλι καινούρια πυροβόλα για τη μάχη αυτή. Συγκεκριμένα οι πηγές αναφέρουν ότι σε αυτή την περίπτωση τον βοήθησαν στην κατασκευή των πυροβόλων και δεκαέξι άλλοι Έλληνες. Παρόλα αυτά, ο ντε Αλμάγκρο είχε αρχίσει να χάνει την εμπιστοσύνη του στον Πέτρο.
Λέγεται, πως λίγες μέρες πριν τη μάχη των Τσούπας, έπιασε αιχμάλωτο στο στρατόπεδό του, έναν αγγελιαφόρο ο οποίος μετέφερε γράμμα για τον Κρητικό, με το οποίο οι αντίπαλοι του προσέφεραν αρκετά χρήματα για να σαμποτάρει την δράση του πυροβολικού του κατά τη μάχη. Το γράμμα αυτό δεν έφτασε ποτέ στα χέρια του Κρητικού. Εντούτοις την ημέρα της μάχης των Τσούπας και κατά τη διάρκεια αυτής, η δράση των πυροβόλων του δεν είχε τα αναμενόμενα αποτελέσματα.
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| Diego de Almagro |
Το γεγονός είναι ότι ο ντε Αλμάγκρο, βλέποντας πως ήταν πλέον σαφές ότι θα έχανε τη μάχη, αποφάσισε να ξεσπάσει την οργή του πάνω στον Κρητικό, θεωρώντας ότι ενσυνείδητα και προδοτικά δεν σημάδευε σωστά τον αντίπαλο στόχο.
Όρμησε επάνω του και αποκαλώντας τον «αναθεματισμένο Γραικό προδότη», τον σκότωσε με τα ίδια του τα χέρια.
Εντούτοις, μετά από την ήττα του στα Τσούπας, ο ντε Αλμάγκρο Β΄ είχε την ίδια ακριβώς τύχη με τον πατέρα του. Μαζί με τον ηττημένο στρατό του, τράπηκε σε φυγή και καβαλικεύοντας ένα γαϊδούρι επέστρεψε στο Κούζκο. Την ίδια μέρα οι αντίπαλοί του μπήκαν νικητές στην πόλη, τον συνέλαβαν και τον θανάτωσαν στην κεντρική πλατεία.
Η μάχη των Τσούπας ήταν και το τέλος του Έλληνα, που με την δράση του πυροβολικού του αλλά και την γενναία και δυναμική του προσωπικότητα, έπαιξε καθοριστικό ρόλο στην ανακάλυψη και πρώτη κατάκτηση της νότιας Αμερικής από τους Ευρωπαίους.
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| Ένα τυπικό πλοίο τον δέκατο έκτο αιώνα |
Jorge Griego 1504
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| Η κατάληψη του Περού |
Ο Jorge Griego (Γεώργιος ο Έλληνας) ήταν Έλληνας Conquistador, γεννήθηκε στην Ελλάδα το 1504 και ακολούθησε τον Έλληνα φίλος του Pedro de Candia, ο οποίος ήταν ένας Conquistador και διοικητής του πυροβολικού, πήγε στην Ισπανία και, στη συνέχεια, στον Παναμά και το Περού.Ο Jorge Griego υπηρέτησε στο ισπανικό στρατό στο Περού ως στρατιώτης.
Το 1532 υπό τη διοίκηση του Francisco Pizarro συμμετείχε στη μάχη της Cajamarca, όπου ο πολύ λιγότερος ισπανικός στρατός (ίσως 138 άνδρες) κατάφερε να κερδίσει την συντριπτική μάζωξη στρατού των Ίνκας (9000 άνδρες) του αυτοκράτορα Atahualpa.
Οικόσημα με αναφορά στον Jorge Griego ΠΗΓΗ-/www.ancestry.com/genealogy/
Στο Κούσκο, ο Jorge πήρε το μερίδιό του από τους θησαυρούς των Ίνκας. Αργότερα τοποθετήθηκε ως encomendero (Τίτλος που έχει ο κάτοχος και διαχειριστής της γης που έχει καταληφθεί από τον Ισπανικό στρατό ) στην πόλη της Jauja στο Περού.
Στα νεότερα χρόνια μετακόμισε στη Λίμα (όπου είχε ένα μεγάλο κτήμα) και συμμετείχε το 1544 και 1545 στις εκστρατείες του Blasco Nunez Vela και του Pedro de la Gasca.
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| Η ΤΡΙΆΝΑ ΣΤΗΝ ΣΕΒΊΛΛΗ ΠΑΡΆ ΤΟΝ ΠΟΤΑΜΌ ΓΟΥΑΔΑΛΚΙΒΙΡ |
Juan Griego (Φιλιππίνες 1571)
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| Ο Βάσκος Miguel Lopez de Legazpi- Γενικός Κυβερνήτης των ισπανικών Ανατολικών Ινδιών 27 Απριλίου 1565 - 20 Αυγούστου 1572 |
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| Πιθανά το οικόσημο του Ιωάννη του Έλληνα |
Κατά τη διάρκεια της εκστρατείας του Miguel Lopez de Legazpi ένας Έλληνας κατακτητής που ονομάζεται Χουάν Griego ( Ιωάννης ο Έλλην ) είναι μαζί του ,όπου ο Legazpi τον ανταμείβει και για τις υπηρεσίες του και αυτός γίνεται ένας encomendero (άρχοντας της γης) (Τίτλος που έχει ο κάτοχος και διαχειριστής της γης που έχει καταληφθεί από τον Ισπανικό στρατό ) στο νησί του Μιντανάο.
Σε αυτήν την Encomienda του περιλαμβάνονται πολλές χώρες της βόρειας περιοχής του Μιντανάο, όμως το 1572 ο Legazpi τον σταμάτησε από αυτήν την Encomienda επειδή οι ισπανικές δυνάμεις δεν ελέγχουν πλέον αποτελεσματικά την περιοχή.
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| Ο Miguel López de Legazpi και ο Andrés de Urdaneta, στην Manila Φιλιππίνες |
ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΕΣ ΑΠΟ ΚΕΙΜΕΝΟ ΤΗΣ ΕΠΟΧΗΣ
On above two islands in order to avoid disputes, on February 14, Legazpi united the encomiendas of the encomenderos, giving the Indians of Limanca, Vaván, and Samal to Agustín Duerto and Bartolomé Andrea; those of Paita to Juan Griego; those of Caguayán to Juan Méndez; those of Buri to Felipe de la Xara; those of Tunaoyiran to Juan Pérez; those of Paranas to Andrés de Luca; those of Calviga to Juan Gutiérrez; and those of Bondó to Miguel Godínez and Antonio Ginovés.
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| Οι διαδρομές που ακολούθησε ο Juan Griego .με τον Miguel López de Legazpi |
In the island of Mindanao, the chief river Vindanao, the point of Cauit, the port of Caldera, the village of Zamboanga and all the villages and coast where cinnamon is grown, were assigned by the adelantado to his Majesty on January 16, 1571.
On January 25, he assigned to Juan Griego the natives of the villages of Cagayan, Gonpot, and Tagoloán (?), with their tingües and hills;
Source: Blair & Robertson, The Philippine Islands, volume 34, pp. 304-310.Translation from the Spanish by James Alexander Robertson.
ΑΠΟΔΟΣΗ ΣΤΑ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΑ
... προκειμένου να αποφευχθούν διαφωνίες, στις 14 Φεβρουαρίου ο Legazpi συνένωσε τις εγκάρδιες του Encomendos, δίνοντας τα ινδικά νησιά στους Limanca, Vaván και Samal Agustín Duerto και Bartolomé Andrea.
Αυτά της Paita στον Juan Griego. Αυτά του Caguayán στον Juan Méndez. Αυτές του Buri στον Felipe de la Xara. Αυτά του Tunaoyiran στον Juan Pérez. Αυτά της Παναγίας στον Andrés de Luca. Αυτά της Καλβίγκα στον Juan Gutiérrez. Και εκείνων του Bondó προς τον Miguel Godinez και τον Antonio Ginovés.
Στο νησί Mindanao, ο κύριος ποταμός Vindanao, το σημείο του Cauit, το λιμάνι της Καλντέρας, το χωριό Zamboanga και όλα τα χωριά και οι ακτές όπου καλλιεργείται κανέλα, ανατέθηκε από τον Έκπρόσωπο της Αυτού Μεγαλειότητας στις 16 Ιανουαρίου 1571. Στις 25 Ιανουαρίου ανέθεσε στον Juan Griego τους ντόπιους από τα χωριά Cagayan, Gonpot και Tagoloán (?), Με τα κτήματα και τους λόφους τους.
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| Ισπανικός χάρτης του νησιού Μιντανάο του 17ου αιώνα |
Juan Griego 1514-1560
Έγινε μέλος του Cortez Entrada και μετά την κατάληψη της Tenochtitlan πήγε στη Γουατεμάλα.
Η Τενοτστιτλάν ή Τενοκτιτλάν (ισπανικά: Tenochtitlan - Τενοτστίτλαν ή Tenochtitlán[Σημ. 1] - Τενοτστιτλάν, Νάουατλ: Tenōchtitlan - Τενοτστίτλαν[Σημ. 2]) ήταν μια πόλη-νησί στην λίμνη Τεξκόκο του Μεξικού, πρωτεύουσα της αυτοκρατορίας των Αζτέκων. Σύμφωνα με την ιστορία των Αζτέκων, οι μετανάστες Μέσικα ίδρυσαν την Τενοτστιτλάν σε ένα ελώδες νησί το 1325, ακολουθώντας έναν οιωνό από τον θεό τους Ουιτζιλοπότστλι, έναν αετό, καθισμένο σε έναν κάκτο να τρώει ένα φίδι. Η εικόνα είναι σήμερα το εθνικό σύμβολο του Μεξικού.
Η γεωγραφική θέση της Τενοτστιτλάν στην πυκνοκατοικημένη λεκάνη του Μεξικού παρείχε σημαντικές ευκαιρίες για εμπόριο και η πόλη επεκτεινόμενη γρήγορα έφθασε σε καθεστώς ευημερίας. Έγινε αυτοκρατορική πρωτεύουσα με τον σχηματισμό της αυτοκρατορίας των Αζτέκων 1428. Οι Μέσικα εν ευθέτω χρόνω κατέκτησαν ένα μεγάλο τμήμα της μεσοαμερικανικής επικράτειας.
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| Ο οιωνός της ιστορίας των Αζτέκων. Κώδικας Μεντόσα. |
Επέστρεψε στο Μεξικό (Νέα Ισπανία) και τελικά αποδίδεται από τις πηγές ως encomendero της επαρχίας Atoyaquillo μέχρι το θάνατό του το 1560.
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| Η επαρχία Atoyaquillo |
Η πόλη του Juan Griego του πλοηγού
Ένας Έλληνας καπετάνιος του ισπανικού στρατού ήταν ο Juan Griego, γεννήθηκε στη Σεβίλλη, τον 16ο αιώνα, άρχισε να κάνει ταξίδια από την Ισπανία προς την Αμερική. Ο Juan Griego αναφέρεται στην απογραφή του 1545, ίδρυσε ακόμη και μια πόλη στο νησί της Isla Margarita στη Βόρεια Βενεζουέλα. Σήμερα η πόλη ονομάζεται Juan Griego από το όνομά του Έλληνα καπετάνιου.
Το Juan Griego είναι μια πόλη στη βόρεια πλευρά της Isla Margarita , και είναι το βορειότερο λιμάνι της Βενεζουέλας . Έχει πληθυσμό 28.256 κατοίκους (σύμφωνα με την απογραφή του 2001) και είναι πρωτεύουσα του Δήμου Μαρκάνο της επαρχίας της Νέας Σπάρτης -Nueva Esparta .
Ο Κόλπος Juan Griego
La Galera, ένα ισπανικό αποικιακό φρούριο, χωρίζει τον κόλπο σε δύο
Η πόλη πήρε το όνομά Juan του Έλληνα που γεννήθηκε στη Σεβίλλη στις αρχές του 16ου αιώνα. Ήταν ένας πλοηγός που διέσχισε τον ωκεανό για την Αμερική. Ξεκίνησε μια ευημερούσα επιχείρηση μεταφοράς σε αιχμαλωσία Ινδιάνων από το νησί Santo Domingo . Ο ίδιος αναφέρεται στην απογραφή του 1545. Μετά το θάνατο του το υπόλοιπο των κατοίκων της πόλης, πιθανότατα επειδή υπήρξε ο πιο επιφανής πολίτης του τόπου, άρχισαν να την αποκαλούν την πόλη αυτή με το όνομα του θεωρούμενου από αυτούς , ιδρυτή της.
Το 1904, η κυβέρνηση μετέφερε την πρωτεύουσα του νησιού από τον Juan Griego στο Pampatar , στα νότια του νησιού, όταν οι εμπορικές δραστηριότητες μειώνονται σημαντικά. Παρ 'όλα αυτά, οι πολιτιστικές δραστηριότητες συνέχισαν να ανθίζουν στην πόλη, Το 1932 μια ομάδα νέων ανθρώπων ξεκίνησε την Εταιρεία Juan Griego, όπου εκτελούν διάφορα καλλιτεχνικά έργα,όπως τις αιτιολογικές σκέψεις της ποίησης, αλλά και συναυλίες και άλλες καλλιτεχνικές εκδηλώσεις.
Ιωάννης Φωκάς
Ιωάννης Φωκάς ήταν Έλληνας εξερευνητής κάτω από τις υπηρεσίες της Iσπανικής Αυτοκρατορίας.
Ιωάννης Φωκάς ήταν είτε ονομάζεται Ιωάννης Φωκάς ή Απόστολος Βαλεριάνος. Ο Ιωάννης Φωκάς γεννήθηκε στο ελληνικό νησί της Κεφαλονιάς το 1536, αργότερα προσέφερε τις υπηρεσίες του στην ισπανική αυτοκρατορία. Το 1587 έφτασε στη Νέα Ισπανία (σημερινό Μεξικό) και άρχισε να ταξιδεύει ως πλοηγός από το Μεξικό προς τις Φιλιππίνες και την Κίνα. Το Γαλεόνι (Galleon) του η «Σάντα Άννα» δέχθηκε επίθεση από ένα αγγλικό πλοίο και βυθίστηκε κοντά στην Καλιφόρνια. όμως ο Ιωάννης Φωκάς επέζησε αλλά έχασε όλη του την περιουσία.
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Ο όρος Galleon 'μεγάλο πλοίο', ίσως προέρχεται από το παλιό γαλλικό Galion 'μικρό πλοίο' (13αι.), Από το ισπανικό (Castilian) Galeón 'ένοπλο εμπορικό πλοίο', από πορτογαλικό πολεμικό πλοίο Galeão, από τη βυζαντινή 'Galley' Επεκτατικό επίθημα -on. Μια άλλη πιθανή προέλευση είναι η παλαιά γαλλική λέξη galie που σημαίνει 'μαγειρεία' επίσης από τη βυζαντινή ελληνική γκαλεα [4]. Το galea ήταν ένα πολεμικό πλοίο του βυζαντινού ναυτικού και το όνομά του μπορεί να σχετίζεται με την ελληνική λέξη galeos, 'ψάρι καρχαριοειδές '.  Ο όρος αρχικά δόθηκε σε ορισμένους τύπους πολεμικών σκαφών κατά τον Μεσαίωνα. Ο Annali Genovesi αναφέρει γαλέες 80, 64 και 60 κουπιών, που χρησιμοποιήθηκαν για μάχη και αποστολές εξερεύνησης, τον 12ο και τον 13ο αιώνα. Είναι πολύ πιθανό ότι οι γαλέοι και οι γαλλιώτες που αναφέρθηκαν στα σκάφη των σταυροφοριών ήταν τα ίδια αυτά σκάφη. Στις αρχές του 16ου αιώνα, οι βενετσιάνικες γαλεόνιες ήταν μια νέα τάξη σκαφών που χρησιμοποιούσαν για να κυνηγούν πειρατές στη Μεσόγειο. |
Στο δεύτερο ταξίδι που οδηγεί την εκστρατεία με μια γαλέρα και ένοπλους Πεζοναύτες. Ξεκίνησε το ταξίδι του από το Ακαπούλκο και πήγε μακριά στο Βορρά και τέλος βρήκε το στενό του Anian.
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| Σήμερα το στενό στο Βανκούβερ φέρει το όνομά του και ονομάζεται Στενά « Ιωάννης Φωκάς ». |
Ο Ιωάννης Φωκάς ποτέ δεν έλαβε την πληρωμή του για υπηρεσίες του και μετά από δύο χρόνια ακόμη δεν είχε ανταμειφθεί από τον αντιβασιλέα Velasco, τότε ο Juan πήγε στην Ισπανία. Ο μεγάλος Έλληνας εξερευνητής τελικά ποτέ δεν έλαβε την πληρωμή του και το 1596 αποφάσισε να επιστρέψει στην Κεφαλλονιά την πατρίδα του. Αλλά εκείνο τον καιρό συνάντησε έναν Άγγλο, τον Michael Lok ο οποίος κατέγραψε τα ταξίδια του Ιωάννης Φωκά και προσπάθησε να πείσει το παλιό εξερευνητή να ενταχθεί στο αγγλικό ναυτικό. Τελικά δεν ήρθε σε συμφωνία και Ιωάννης Φωκάς αποσύρθηκε στην πατρίδα του και πέθανε εκεί το 1602.
ΕΠΙΣΗΣ Ιωάννης Φωκάς (θαλασσοπόρος)
Ο Ιωάννης Φωκάς ή Απόστολος Βαλεριάνος, γνωστός με το ισπανικό όνομα Χουάν ντε Φούκα (Juan de Fuca, Βαλεριάνο Κεφαλλονιάς, 1536 – Κεφαλλονιά, 1602) ήταν Έλληνας θαλασσοπόρος, που εξερεύνησε τις δυτικές ακτές της Βορείου Αμερικής για λογαριασμό του ισπανικού θρόνου. Το όνομά του δόθηκε σε στενό ανάμεσα στην νήσο Βανκούβερ και τις ΗΠΑ, το οποίο οδηγεί στο λιμάνι του Βανκούβερ.
Ο Φωκάς ή Βαλεριάνος γεννήθηκε στο χωριό Βαλεριάνο της Κεφαλλονιάς και ήταν ο τέταρτος γιος του Εμμανουήλ Φωκά ή Φωκά Βαλεριάνου με καταγωγή από την Κωνσταντινούπολη. Πιθανότατα το όνομά του ήταν Ιωάννης-Απόστολος.
Νέος ξενιτεύτηκε και εργάστηκε επί σαράντα χρόνια ως πλοηγός στον στόλο των Δυτικών Ινδιών της Ισπανίας. Σε ένα του ταξίδι στις Φιλιππίνες, τον Νοέμβριο του 1587, το πλοίο στο οποίο επέβαινε, η Αγία Άννα (Santa Anna), το κατέλαβαν Άγγλοι και ο ίδιος πιάστηκε αιχμάλωτος χάνοντας όλες του τις οικονομίες και το φορτίο του πλοίου αξίας 60.000 δουκάτων.
Λίγο καιρό αργότερα αφέθηκε ελεύθερος και το 1588 πήγε στο Μεξικό, που τότε ονομάζονταν Νέα Ισπανία. Ο Ισπανός αντιβασιλέας του Μεξικού, Λουίς ντε Βελασέο (Luis de Velaseo), τού έδωσε μία μικρή καραβέλα με την εντολή να εξερευνήσει τις δυτικές ακτές της Βορείου Αμερικής και να βρει τα μυθικά Στενά του Ανιάν (ισπ., Estrecho de Anián) που υποτίθεται πως ένωναν τον Ατλαντικό με τον Ειρηνικό Ωκεανό.
Το πρώτο του ταξίδι το 1592 έληξε άδοξα, επειδή το πλήρωμά του στασίασε, και έτσι αναγκάστηκε να επιστρέψει στο Ακαπούλκο. Κατά το δεύτερο ταξίδι του ανέβηκε βόρεια και νόμισε πως πραγματικά είχε βρει το πέρασμα προς τον Ατλαντικό μεταξύ του 47ου και 48ου γεωγραφικού παραλλήλου. Επέστρεψε στο Ακαπούλκο περιμένοντας για δύο χρόνια να λάβει την ανταμοιβή του για τις ανακαλύψεις του, αλλά χωρίς αποτέλεσμα. Το 1593 ή 1594, έφυγε για την Ισπανία ελπίζοντας πως θα τον ανταμείψει ο βασιλιάς της Ισπανίας. Τελικά δεν βρήκε καμία ανταπόκριση και από τον ισπανικό θρόνο και, απογοητευμένος, αποφάσισε να αποσυρθεί στην πατρίδα του.
Στην πορεία του προς την Κεφαλονιά, πέρασε και από την Φλωρεντία. Εκεί έτυχε να συναντήσει έναν Άγγλο ονόματι Τζον Ντούγκλας (John Douglass), στον οποίο αφηγήθηκε τις περιπέτειές του. Ο Ντάγκλας τού έδωσε μία συστατική επιστολή και τον έστειλε στον Μάικλ Λοκ (Michael Lok ή Locke), πλούσιο έμπορο και πρόξενο της Αγγλίας, ο οποίος έτυχε να βρίσκεται τότε στην Βενετία. Ο Φωκάς εξιστόρησε τις εξερευνήσεις του και έπεισε τον τελευταίο να μεσολαβήσει ώστε η Αγγλία να του χορηγήσει δύο πλοία για να συνεχίσει τις εξερευνήσεις του για το πέρασμα ανάμεσα στον Ατλαντικό και τον Ειρηνικό Ωκεανό. Ο Φωκάς ήλπιζε ακόμα πως οι Άγγλοι θα τον αποζημίωναν για το όσα έχασε όταν τον αιχμαλώτισαν στις Φιλιππίνες.
Ο Λοκ προσπάθησε να έρθει σε επαφή με την βρετανική κυβέρνηση, ζητώντας 100 λίρες για να πάει τον Φωκά στην Αγγλία, αλλά η απάντηση καθυστερούσε και ο Φωκάς έφυγε τελικά για την Κεφαλονιά. Το 1602, ο Λοκ έγραψε μία επιστολή στον Φωκά, αλλά δεν έλαβε ποτέ απάντηση. Έτσι ο Λοκ υπέθεσε πως ο ηλικιωμένος Φωκάς είχε ήδη πεθάνει.
Η ιστορία του Φωκά, έτσι όπως την μετέφερε στον Λοκ, πρωτοδημοσιεύθηκε το 1625 στο βιβλίο του Άγγλου ταξιδιωτικού συγγραφέα Σάμιουελ Πούρτσας (Samuel Purchas, π. 1575–1626) Hakluytus Posthumus or 'Purchas His Pilgrimes Contayning a History of the World in Sea Voyages and Lande Travells by Englishmen and others. Το 1787, ο Βρετανός πλοίαρχος Τσαρλς Μπάρκλεϋ (Charles Barkley), αναγνωρίζοντας τον πορθμό ανάμεσα στην νήσο Βανκούβερ και την Πολιτεία Ουάσιγκτον των ΗΠΑ ως τα μέρη που εξερεύνησε ο Φωκάς, έδωσε στην περιοχή το όνομα Στενά του Χουάν ντε Φούκα (αγγλ., Strait of Juan de Fuca).
Για τον Φωκά-Βαλεριάνο, έχει γράψει ο Φώτης Κόντογλου («Απόστολος Βαλεριάνος ο λεγόμενος Juan da (sic) Fuca», στην συλλογή διηγημάτων Ο Αστρολάβος, Αθήνα 1935), ενώ το 2007 κυκλοφόρησε και μία μυθιστορηματική βιογραφία γραμμένη από την Ευριδίκη Λειβαδά-Ντούκα (Στα Στενά της Χίμαιρας, εκδ. Κέδρος, Αθήνα 2007, ISBN 960-04-3413-1).
Άλλοι Έλληνες που αναφέρονται στο Ισπανικό στρατό
Επίσης στην αποστολή του Μαγγελάνου, 1519-1522 πολλοί Έλληνες ναυτικοί πήραν μέρος στο ταξίδι. Θα πρέπει επίσης να αναφερθεί ότι μεταξύ των Ισπανών το υπόλοιπο του πληρώματος ήταν Έλληνες, Ιταλοί, Πορτογάλοι, ¨Αγγλοι, Γάλλοι και Γερμανοί. Αυτοί οι άνδρες ήταν οι πρώτοι που κάνουν μια περίπλου του πλανήτη, πολλοί από αυτούς και συμπεριλαμβανομένου του Ferdinand Magellan πέθαναν κατά τη διάρκεια του ταξιδιού και μόνο 18 από τους 237 άνδρες του αρχικού πληρώματος επέζησαν. Μεταξύ των 18 επιζώντες, 4 εκ των οποίων ήταν Έλληνες.
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| Ο θάνατος του Μαγγελάνου |
Θα πρέπει επίσης να σημειωθεί ότι Φρανσίσκο Albo ο Ρόδιος ήταν ο μόνος που κράτησε ένα ημερολόγιο, μαζί με τον Ιταλό Αντόνιο Πιγκαφέτα. Οι Περιγραφές τους ήταν μια πολύτιμη πηγή πληροφοριών για τους μελλοντικούς εξερευνητές.
Το πλήρωμα του Μαγγελάνου
..στο πλήρωμα του Βικτόρια ειδικά συναντάμε αυτούς και μερικούς άλλους Έλληνες
EXPEDICIÓN MAGALLANES - JUAN SEBASTIAN ELCANO
Total tripulantes : 237
Relacionados: 107
1 Fernando de Magallanes
2 Juan Sebastián Elcano
3 Luis de Molina
4 Francisco Albo Contramaestre
5 Andrés de San Martín Piloto
6 Bartolomé Prior Contramaestre
7 Baltasar Genoves
8 Serrao
9 Luis Martinez
10 Bartolomé García
11 Lorenzo de Iruña
12 Joanes de Irún
13 Pedro Sánchez de la Reina
14 Maestre Predro Piloto
15 Francisco Albo Contramaestre
16 Juan de Chinchilla
17 Francisco de Angulo
18 Rodriguez de Fonseca
19 Juan López de Recalde
20 Andres de Bristol
21 Marcos de Bayas
22 Navarro Grumete
23 Gonzalo de Vigo
24 Bartolomé Sánchez
25 Juan de Torres
26 Luis Alfonso
27 Martín Mendez Escribano
28 Leon de Espeleta Escribano
29 Sancho de Heredia Escribano
30 Francisco Martín Tonelero
31 Simon de Rochela Calafate
32 Cristobal Rodriguez Despensero
33 Nuño Despensero
34 Francisco de Madrid
35 Pedro Herrero
36 Hernando de Aguilar
37 Antón de Goa grumete
38 Antón Rodriguez
39 Juan Sigura
40 Francisco Picora
41 Francisco Martín
42 Rodrigo de Hurrira
43 Hartiga
44 Juan de Sila
45 Juan de Piti
46 Francisco de la Mezquita
47 Francisco Ortega
48 Juan de Orue
49 Santiago Díaz
50 Martín Mendez
51 Martín de Insaurraga
52 Domingo Alvarez
53 Cristobal de Costa
54 Diego Garcia de Trigueros
55 Pedro Valpuesta
56 Martín de Magallanes
57 Juan de Cartagena Cap. San Antonio
58 Juan de Acuria
59 Juan Sebastian Elcano
60 Criatobal de Haro
61 Luis de Mendoza Cap. Victoria
62 Gaspar de Quesada Cap. Concepción
63 Juan Serrano Cap. Santiago
64 Pedro Valderrama
65 Pedro Sanchez de la Reina
66 Juan de Acurio Contramaestre
67 Juan Bautista Puncera Contramaestre
68 Francisco Antonio de Pigafetta
69 Cristobal de Rabelo
70 Duarte Barbosa
71 Espinosa Alguacil
72 Ruy Faleiro Portuguese cosmographer, astrologer, and astronomer
73 Antonio de Coca
74 Anton Salomon
75 Andrés de San Martín Piloto
76 Alvaro de Mesquita
77 Juan de Elgorriaga
78 Jeronimo Guerra Escribano
79 Toribio Alonso de Salazar
80 Miguel de Rodas Contramaestre de la Victoria
81 Martin de Judicibus, de Génova Superintendente de la Concepcion.
82 Hernando de Bustamante, de Alcantara Cirujano-barbero de la Concepcion.
83 Juan de Zubileta, de Baracaldo Paje de la Victoria
84 Miguel Sanchez Marinerode la Victoria.
85 Nicholas e Griego de Nápoles Marinerode la Victoria.
86 Diego Gallego, de Bayona Marinerode la Victoria. ή de Rodas μάλλον Ρόδιος
87 Juan Rodriguez, de Sevilla Marinero de la Trinidad
88 Francisco Rodriguez Marinero de la Concepción
89 Juan de Arratia, de Bilbao Grumete de la Victoria.
90 Vasco Gomez Gallego (a . el portugués) Grumete de la Trinidad.
91 Juan de Santandres, de Cueto Grumete de la Trinidad.
92 Martin de Isaurraga, de Bermeo Grumete de la Concepcion
93 Pedro de Indarchi, de Tenerife Maestro de la Santiago.
94 Ricardo de Normandía Carpintero de la Santiago.
95 Simon de Burgos Criado de Mendoza
96 Juan Martin, de Aguilar de Campo Criado de Mendoza
97 Roldan de Argote Cañonero de la Concepcion
98 Juan Ortiz de Gopega, de Bilbao Administrador de la San Antonio.
99 Pedro Gasco, de Burdeos Marinero de la Santiago.
100 Ocacio Alonso, de Bollullos (Huelva) Marinero de la Santiago
101 Gomez Hernandez, de Huelva Marinero de la Concepcion
102 Felipe de Rodas, de Rodas Marinero de la Victoria Victoria.
103 Pedro de Tolosa, de Guipuzcoa Grumete de la Victoria
104 Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa Alguacil de la flota.
105 Juan Rodriguez, de Sevilla, (alias “el sordo”) Marinero de la Concepcion.
106 Gines de Mafra, de Jerez Marinero.
107 Leon Pancaldo, de Savona (cerca de Génova) Marinero
Άλλοι Έλληνες
Anton de Rodas -Αντώνιος Ρόδιος
Άλλοι Έλληνες που να αναφέρονται στα Ισπανικά αρχεία είναι ο Anton de Rodas -Αντώνιος Ρόδιος ένας σεβαστός Έλληνας πλοίαρχος και κυβερνήτης δύο ισπανικών πλοίων, το πρώτο ήταν το «San Jorge» και το άλλο ήταν το «Σαν Χουάν», ήταν δε ένας πλοηγός στις περιοχές του Περού από το 1535 -1537. Έκανε πολλά ταξίδια από Λίμα προς Παναμά το 1540 και τελικά εγκαταστάθηκε στη Λίμα το 1550, όπου είχε ένα μεγάλο σπίτι.
Παντρεύτηκε μια Ισπανίδα και συνέχισε να είναι ο πλοίαρχος του πλοίου στη θάλασσα του Ειρηνικού, τουλάχιστον μέχρι το 1563.
Juan de Chio Ιωάννης o Xioς
Ένας άλλος Έλληνας πλοίαρχος που αναφέρεται στα ισπανικά αρχεία είναι Juan de Chio ένας Έλληνας καπετάνιος από το νησί της Χίου.
Ενώ οι περισσότεροι καπετάνιοι που έπλεαν στην περιοχή του Ειρηνικού στην περιοχή της Χιλής δεν ήξεραν τίποτα από το γεωγραφικό πλάτος και ταξίδευαν από ένστικτο, από την άλλη πλευρά ο Juan de Chio...Ιωάννης o Xioς, ήταν ο μόνος που πλοήγηση κατά τη διάρκεια αυτού του χρόνου (1540) με αστρολάβο, μια πλοήγηση με γράφημα και τρεις πυξίδες θαλάσσης.
Juan Griego, γιος του Lazaro Griego
Ένας άλλος Έλληνας που ονομάζεται επίσης Juan Griego, γιος του Lazaro Griego από το Νεγρεπόντε ( την Εύβοια ή την πόλη της Χαλκίδας ) ή την Κρήτη, γεννήθηκε το 1566, συμμετείχε στην εκστρατεία του Juan de Onate εναντίον των ιθαγενών Ινδιάνων της φυλής Akoma στο Μεξικό το 1598.
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| Ο Juan de Oñate y Salazar (1550–1626) Κυβερνήτης του Νέο Μεξικό |
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| Η περιοχή Acoma Pueblo το 1848. |
ΟΙ ΑΠΟΓΟΝΟΙ ΤΟΥ Juan Griego
Επίλογος
Οι Έλληνες μετά την πτώση της πατρίδας τους και την Άλωση της Κωνσταντινούπολης φαινόταν στους υπόλοιπους να έχουν καταστραφεί, αλλά αυτό ποτέ δεν συνέβει, καθώς κατάφερε να ανέβουν και πάλι και κατάφεραν να ευημερήσουν σε διάφορους τομείς στη Δυτική Ευρώπη, καθώς και στην Οθωμανική αυτοκρατορία.Πολλοί Έλληνες έγιναν επιτυχημένοι καπεταναίοι και στρατιώτες, καλλιτέχνες και επιστήμονες σε χώρες όπως η Ιταλία και η Ισπανία και ακόμη και στην οθωμανική αυτοκρατορία πολλοί υψηλοί αξιωματικοί, δραγουμάνοι και καπετάνιοι ήταν ελληνικής καταγωγής. Ενώ και στην Ισπανία Έλληνες λόγιοι και καλλιτέχνες όπως ο Ελ Γκρέκο, διακρίθηκαν. Οι Έλληνες του Ισπανικού στρατού συνέβαλαν κατά κύριο λόγο στην κατάκτηση και την εξερεύνηση της ηπείρου της Αμερικής και έπαιξαν σημαντικό ρόλο σε αυτό . Πολλοί από αυτούς ήταν ναυτικοί και καπετάνιοι, άλλοι εξερευνητές όπως Ιωάννης Φωκάς και άνδρες του Πυροβολικού κάτι πολύ σημαντικό εκείνη την εποχή , ενώ κάποιοι από αυτούς ήταν ακόμη κατακτητές-εξερευνητές , όπως ο Pedro de Candia και ο Jorge Griego.
ΕΛΛΗΝΕΣ ΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΤΑΙ ΕΝ ΤΗ ΔΥΣΕΙ ΚΑΙ ΑΝΑΓΕΝΝΗΣΙΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ ΤΑΚΤΙΚΗΣ
ΒΙΒΛΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ - ΠΗΓΕΣ ΕΝΔΕΙΚΤΙΚΑ
ΑΡΧΕΙΟ ΑΡΧΑΙΟΓΝΩΜΩΝ
1
- Alexandra Parma Cook an Noble Cook, "The discovery and the Conquest of Peru of Pedro de Cieza" , p 247
- James Lockhart, "Spanish Peru, 1532-1560: a social history" p. 142
- James Lockhart, "Men of Cajamarca" , p 414-415
- Alexandra Parma Cook an Noble Cook , "The discovery and the Conquest of Peru of Pedro de Cieza" , p 242
- Clements R. Markham, "Reports on the Discovery of Peru", p 139
- James Lockhart, "Spanish Peru, 1532-1560: a social history", p. 143
- James Lockhart, "Spanish Peru, 1532-1560: a social history" p. 29, 142, 146
2
- Del Busto Duthurburu, José Antonio:
- Diccionario Histórico Biográfico de los Conquistadores del Perú. Tomo I. A-CH. Lima, Librería STUDIUM S.A., 1986.
- La conquista del Perú. Lima, Librería STUDIUM S.A., 1984.
- La pacificación del Perú. Lima, Librería STUDIUM S.A., 1984.
- Inca Garcilaso de la Vega: Historia general del Perú. Tomo I. Lima, Editorial Universo S.A., 1972.
- Mendiburu, Manuel: Diccionario histórico-biográfico del Perú. Parte primera que corresponde a la época de la dominación española. Tomo II. Lima, 1876.
- Tauro del Pino, Alberto: Enciclopedia Ilustrada del Perú. Tercera Edición. Tomo 3, BEI/CAN. Lima, PEISA, 2001. ISBN 9972-40-152-5
/katalitheian.blogspot.gr - Ιωάννης Δανδουλάκης - πολιτικός επιστήμων - ιστορικός
(το παρόν είχε δημοσιευθεί στο περιοδικό "Στρατιωτική Ιστορία", τεύχος 178, Νοέμβριος 2011)
- 1) John Hemming, THE CONQUEST OF THE INCAS, Macmillan, London, 1993
- (2) Kim MacQuarrie, THE LAST DAYS OF THE INCAS, Simon & Schuster, 2007
- (3) Pedro de Cieza de Leon, THE SECOND PART OF THE CHRONICLE OF PERU, μτφρ. Clements R. Markham, Hakluyt Society, London 1883.
- (4) Pedro de Cieza de Leon, THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO DE CIEZA DE LEON, AD 1532-50, CONTAINED IN THE FIRST PART OF HIS CHRONICLE OF PERU, μτφρ. Clements R. Markham, Hakluyt Society, London, 1883.
- (5) Pedro de Cieza de Leon, THE WAR OF LAS SALINAS, μτφρ. Clements R. Markham, Hakluyt Society, London, 1923, (α΄ εκδ. 1883).
- (6) Pedro de Cieza de Leon, THE WAR OF CHUPAS, μτφρ. Clements R. Markham, Hakluyt Society, Londonμ 1917, (α΄ εκδ. 1883).
- (7) William H. Prescott, HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST OF PERU, BiblioBazaar, 2006, ( Harpers & Bros, USA, 1847)
- (8) Φώτης Κόντογλου, ΠΕΤΡΟΣ Ο ΚΡΗΤΙΚΟΣ, Ο ΛΕΓΟΜΕΝΟΣ PEDRO DI CANDIA, σελ. 51-63, στο ΦΗΜΙΣΜΕΝΟΙ ΑΝΤΡΕΣ ΚΑΙ ΛΗΣΜΟΝΗΜΕΝΟΙ, εκδόσεις «Αστήρ», Αθήνα, 1994, (α΄ έκδοση 1987)
4
- The travels of Pedro de Cieza de Léon, A.D. 1532-50, by Pedro de Cieza de León
5
- Edward E. Calnek, (1976), "The Internal Structure of Tenochtitlan", στο Eric R. Wolf, (ed.) The Valley of Mexico.
- Jose Luis de Rojas, (1986) Mexico-Tenochtitlan: Economia y Sociedad en el Siglo XVI.
- Μichael E. Smith "Tenochtitlan (Or Tenochtitlán)" στο Brian M. Fagan, ed., (1996) The Oxford Companion to Archaeology, Oxford University Press: Oxford
6
- www.gutenberg.org
- www.biographi.ca/en/bio.php?BioId=34354
Iaonas - Greek Conquistadors and explorers in the Spanish army -http://iaonas.blogspot.gr/
8
Sources- Books
Spanish Peru, 1532-1560: a Social history by James Lockhart
The discovery and the conquest of Peru of Pedro de Cieza by Alexandra Parma Cook and Noble Cook
Men of Cajamarca by James Lockhart
A history of the Conquest of Peru by William H. Prescott
Old ties and new solidarities: studies on Philippine communities by Charles J-H Macdonald and Guillermo M. Pesigan
The encomenderos of new Spain 1521-1555 by Romerich Himmerich y Valencia
And Wiki articles
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greek_American
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juan_Griego
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juan_de_Fuca
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cagayan_de_Oro
Other links
http://alkek.library.txstate.edu/swwc/cdv/book/25.html
http://www.greenapple.gr/articlesdesc.php?id=129
http://genforum.genealogy.com/peru/messages/709.html
http://www.enchantedlearning.com/explorers/1500b.shtml
http://cybergata.com/roots/5072.htm
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